IMPERIAL FEDERATION.

Waikato Argus, Volume II, Issue 133, 13 May 1897, Page 4

IMPERIAL FEDERATION.

Tin: following is the speech delivered by Mr Chamberlain at the annual dinner of thcßoyal Colonial Institute : - Mr Chamberlain, who was received with loud cheers on rising, said : I have now the honour to propose to you the toast of " Prosperity to the Rsyal Culouial Institute." The Institute was founded in ISGB, almost exactly a generation aco, ar.d I confess 1 admire the faith of its promoters, who, in a time not altogether favourable to their opinions, sowed the seeds of Imperial patriotism (cheers), although they mult have known that few of them could live to gather the fruit and to reap the harvest. But their faith has been justified by the result of their labours, and their foresight must be recognised in the light of our present expel it nee. It seems to me that there are three distinct stages in our Imperial history. We began to be, and we ultimately became, a great Imperial Power in the 18th century ; but during the greater part of that time the colonies were regarded, not only by us but by every European Power that possessed them, as possessions, as possessions valuable in proportion to the pecuniary advantage which they were to the Mother Country, who, under that order of ideas, was not really a mother at all, but rather stood in the light of the grasping and absentee landlords, desirous to take from their tenants the utmost rent that they could be forced to pay. The colonics, I say, were valued and maintained because it was thought they would be a sourro of direct profit to the Mother Country. That, was the first chapter, and, when we were rudely awakened, by the War of Independence ir. America, from this dream that the colonies should be held for our profit alone, the second chapter was entered upon, and public opinion seems then to have drifted to the opposite extreme ; and because the colonies were no longer a source of revenue it seems to have been believed and argued by many people that their separation from us was only a matter of time, and that that separation should be desired and encouraged in case they might become an incumbrance and a source of weakness. Well, it was while these views were still entertained, while the Little Engenders were in their full career of glory, that this Insti'ute was founded to protest against doctrines so injurious to our interests and so deroga toiy to our honour, and I rejoice that what was then, a 3 it were, " a voice speaking in the wilderness," is now the expressed and determined will of the overwhelming majority of Britishers throughout the world. THE CONCEPTION OF OUR EMI'IKE. We hive now reached, partly by the efforts of this Institute and similar organisations, partly by the writings of such men as Fronde and Seely, but mainly by the instinctive good sense and patriotism of the people at large, the third stage in our history, and the true conception of our Empire. What is that conception ? As regards the selfgoverning Colonies, we no longer talk of them as dependencies. The sense of possession has given place to the sentiment of kinship. fV T e think of them and we speak of them as part of ourselves, as part of the British Empire, united to us, although they may be dispersed throughout; the world, united to us by ties of kindred, of religion, of literature, and of language, and joined to us by setts that formerly seemed to divide us. But the British Empire is not confined to the self-governing Colonies and the United Kingdom. It includes a much greater area, a much more numerous population in tropical climes, where no considerable European settlement is possible, and where the native population must always vastly outnumber the white inhabitants. But in this case also the same change has come over the Imperial idea. Here, also, the sense of possession has given place to a different sentiment, which is the sentiment of obligation. We feel now that our rule over these territories can only be justified if we can show that it adds to the happiness and prosperity of the people that we govern. Ana 1 maintain that our rule does and has brought security and peace and comparative prosperity to countries which never kDcw it before. In carrying out this work of civilisation we arc fulfilling what I believe to be cur natural mission, and we are finding scope for the exercise of those faculties and qualities which have made us a great governing race. I do not know that our success has been perfect in every case. I do not say that all our methods have beeu beyond reproach ; but I do say that in almost every case in which the rule of the Queen has been established, and the great pax Britnnmca has been enforced, there has come with it greater Bccutity to life and property, and a higher status and material improvement to the whole of the population. No doubt, in the first instance, when these conquests have been made, there has been bloodshed; there has been loss of life amongst the native population, loss of still more precious lives amongst those who have bsen scut out in order to bring them into order and peaceable habits. And it must be remembered that that is a condition of the method we have to fulfil. There are, of course, there always arc amongst us—l think a very small minority—men who are ready to be advocates of the most detestable tyrant';, provided that their skin is black—men who sympathise with the sorrows oi Prempeh and Lobcugula, and who denounce as murderers those of their fellow-countrymen who have gone forth at the command of the Queen, and who have redeemed districts as large as Europe from the barbarism and superstition in which they have been steeped for centuries. In regard to the self governing colonies our task is lurch lighter. Wo have undertaken, it is true, to protect them with all the strength at. our command against foreign aggression ; but I hope that the need for our intervention may never arise. But there remains what then will be our chief duty—that is, to give effect to that sentiment of kinship to which I have referred, and width, I believe, is deep in the heart of every British subject. We want to promote a closer and a firmer union between all the members of the great British family, ami in this respect we have in recent years made great progress, so great that I think sometimes some of our friends are apt to be a little hasty, and to expect even a miracle to be accomplished. I would like to ask them to remember that time and patience are essential elements in the development of all gteit ideas. A KKDEDATIOS of THE BftITTSII HACK. Let us keep our ideal always b< f no ds. For my own part, I believe in the practical possibility of a federation of the British race. But I know that it will come—if it. does come —not by pressure, not by anything in the nature of dictation from this country, Lut it will come as the icMi.-ation of a universal desire, as the expression of the dearest wish of our Co'onial fellow-subjects themselves. That such a result would be desired—would be in the interests of all of our Colonies, as well as of ourselves, I do not think any sensible man will doubt. It seems to me that the tendency of the time is to throw all the power into the bands of the greater Empires, and the minor Kingdoms seem to mc —those that are non-progressive—to be destined to fall into a secondary and subordinate place. Hut if Great Britain remains united, no Empire in the world will either surpass it in area, in population, in wealth, or in the diversity of its resources. Let us tlu n have confidence in the future. [ do not ask yr.u to anticipate with Lord Macau lay the time w hen the New Zealamler will come here and gaze upon the ruins, of a gnat dead city. No ; I see no visible signs of decrepitude i.r decay. The Mother Country is still vigorous and fruitful, i« still able to stntl forth troops of stalwart suu.? to people

and to occupy the wast.: places tf the earth, l't't it- may well be said that some of these sister nations whose love and affection wo demand may in the future equal and even surpass our groat nets. A trans oceanic capital may arise acres'! the stas which will throw into the shade even the glories of London itself, Lut in the years that must intervene let it be our endeavour, let it be our task, to keep alive the torch of Imperial patriotism, to keep warm the affection and confidence of our kinsmen across the sea*, so that in evey vicissitude of fortune the British Umpire may present, an unbroken front to all her foes, and may carry on even into distant ages the gloiious traditions of the British Hag It is because I believe the Colonial Institute is contributing to this result that with all sincerity I propose the toast of the evening.