THE LAND BILL, AND HOW IT AFFECTS THE FARMERS.

Wairarapa Age, Volume XXIX, Issue 8349, 4 February 1907, Page 3

THE LAND BILL, AND HOW IT AFFECTS THE FARMERS.

No, 3s - jsy an amendment In the Bill while the measure was before the Waste Lands Committee, the privilege of paying off S9O per cent, was given to all holders of the Lease-in-Perpetuity with the same concessions as in the case ol settlers under Settlement Lands. To be able to farm their lands as they think fit is certainly a privilege much coveted by these Lessees, but the position is this: —Almost the whole of the tenants have put substantial improvements on their holdings, amounting perhaps to several pounds per acre, and in some cases to much more than the State's interest in the land. Now all such settlers, if they had the right to purchase the Freehold of their holdings, would simply go to a lending or financial institution, and (provided their interest amounted to' anything more than half that owned %by the State) they could get the money required to buy out the State's interest at a moment's notice, and at once clear themselves of all obnoxious restrictions Land Boards and ! Crown Kangers included. The Government, however, are not satisfied with onethird margin (and this, it might be pointed out is at least the value of almost every tenant's interest who has held his land a few years and pub the necessary improvements on it) ; -but the State demands, in addition, at least half its own interest before a man can call himself his own master in the management of his business. In the case of a Lessee under the 1892 Act he is paying 4 pey cent, for his rent, and, with the deduction of per cent. for prompt payment, per cent, in fact—he is paying less than the State can borrow at, therefore from a Government point of view it would be a splendid bargain. But what is offered the tenant in return? So far as can be seen, absolutely nothing. He would still be a tenant of the Crown,' and his title only a lease, just as insecure as ever to the attacks of the Socialist through the medium of a "Fair Rent Bill," and in consequence his difficulties of raising private mortgages would be just the same. the holders of Leases-in-Perpetuity have little to thank the Government for in this proposed measure. One of the inducements held out to people in towns to support the Bill is to make Crown lands an Endowment for certain purposes. WKen we come to set aside so many million acres of land it looks a big thing; but when it is analysed it is not so much after all. Apart from the Settlement lands, which are not to be included in the Endowment proposals, the total revenue frcm all Crown lands Sis less than £300,000. In addition to rent, (his includes money paid by

settlers in payment for the Freehold of their holdings, also royalties on timber and flax, besides I the revenue from' various Endowments. A number of these items would have to be deducted, as also the cost of the Lands and Survey Department, which totals £150,000, a year. It , will be seen, then, that the balance will be very small indeed. At the present time this is paid into the Consolidation Fund, out of which fund payment is made for Old Age Pensions, Education and Charitable Institutions, and no doubt would continue to be so, even if this Endowment Scheme were carried. If there must be Endowment for this purpose, it would be much better to invest a sum of money in city property, and possibly set apart the worst of our Crown lands such as high country —which are only capable of little improvement; but the Endowments that have already been made of rural lands show so many evidences of bad farming and consequent loss to the colony, that it would be unwise to continue to apply this principle to our best lands. The Premier and the Minister for Lands have stated that these proposals are 'in no sense a menace to the Freehold, but they too clearly bear the imprint of Henry George's impracticable (and, if given effect to—ruinous) theories. The Premier may not be a believer in Land Nationalisation, but members of his Ministry are, and in the Bill they are exactly carrying out the proposals of the Socialist Party in this country, viz., to first make the principle apply to Crown lands not yet taken up, then to follow up by making them apply to all Crown lands through the medium of a Fair Bent Bill, to leases that were taken up prior to the passing of this Bill; and when this is accomplished it is considered an easy matter to make it apply to all "freehold lands. ©ln the Land Act of 1892 the principle of State landlordism was affirmed in the Lease-in-Perpetuity, but it did not satisfy the Socialists, because the land was locked up for 999 years. The renewable lease goes the step further; that is, .to affirm the principle of State ownership to the unearned increment. The lease is, however, for a longer term than they desire, and an effort was to be made • to. reduce it to 33 years when the Bill wa* read a second time last session. Having once succeeded in making this principle apply to all Crown Leaseholds, jfeit will be a simple wft+.*AT to brinff all Freeholds

THE UNION'S OBJECTIONS.

under the same principle. ' x>o workman begins with the thick end of the wedge. By simply charging a rent (or land tax) on the unimproved value of Freehold lands, such Freehold becomes a perpetual lease, subject to periodical re-adjustment of the rent (or tax), and although the present Government disclaim any intention of making this principle applx to all land, they have gone as far as they have been asked to go at present. , It is, however, probable that the next Parliament would be called on to go one step further, and so on, until the dream of the Socialist Party has been realised. It is, therefore, time all farmers, freeholders or leaseholders, realised fully that this measure does affect their interests, although perhaps indirectly. If they wish to protect their children, and at the same time study this colony's best interest, they will do all they can to defeat this measure, which can only end to the detriment of our prosperity. There is another objection to this proposed Land Bill that ought not to be overlooked. We have in this country an area as large as England (including Wales), Scotland, and half of Ireland, with a population of less than one million, and at the same time 'we believe our little country to be one of the best in the world. This being so, how are we going to keep this country? We are doing our best by legislative means to prevent the peaceful invasion of the colony by Asiatics and to keep it a "White Man's land"; we know that certain Asiatic nations are looking forward to the dominion of the Pacific, and at a time when it might be *• necessary for Britain to withdraw the sheltering arm of her Navy. At such a time, how are we to make this country impregnable against the invasion of what we should now consider an overpowering Asiatic horde? / Only by keeping our own rural population, and encouraging others of our countrymen from distant parts of our Emph'e to come here and settle with us. But inducement are we offering's©The best a 66 years' lease can be called 's a lease for life, on the understanding that when a man is ending his days upon the farm he has probably cut out of the wilderness, he will have the mortification of knowing that the bulk of his earnings instead of to his own children, will be confiscated by the State. This is wii.;i we propose, to offer intending emigrants to New Zealand, while other less favoured parts of the Empire are offering the Freehold. They, however, are getting the in crease of population, and must. continue to do so; v/e certainly cannot hope to attain this desirable end, (To be Continued).