Tuapeka Times. AND GOLDFIELDB REPORTER A ADVERTISER SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 22,1873. "MEASURES. NOT MEN."

Tuapeka Times, Volume VI, Issue 306, 22 November 1873, Page 2

Tuapeka Times. AND GOLDFIELDB REPORTER A ADVERTISER SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1873. "MEASURES. NOT MEN."

The constitution of the- Legislative Council of New Zealand would be in harmony with, the despotism of tha continent of Europe. Indeed, viewing the comparative progressive freedom of Prussia, Russia, and of Other countries, the day is not far distant when our Upper House constitution will be less free than that of the most despotic civilised states of the present day. Theoretically, the Upper House does not represent the people, although it transacts the people's, business: We would consign that man to a lunatic asylum who, without our sanction, spoke in our behalf at public meetings, who entered ourcounting liouae, and familiarly exposed our documents, We, the taxp lyerSj have never asked our Legislative Councillors to legislate on our behalf ; yet, they have done so, will do so, and for life, be it remembered, the reign of each Councillor extends. Insanity or insolvency, or proved disloyalty, can alone remove them. Outside the Council, there is no law, no custom,, to compel them to apeak extra - parliamentary speeches. The stewardship they have for the term of their natural existence ; the account of thai stewardship never reaches our years. Certainly, there is a grim consistency abont the appointment of their colonial lordships. We do not appoint them, and wo do not dismiss them ■Logically, men whom we have never selected, cannot by us be dismissed. 'We repeat that the anomaly consists in the transacting of our business. It would be madness for anyone to complain of the appointment of. the vice-regal butler. This is no business of ours. A. governor's butler does not keep our wine- and" Silver plate. But the so-called lords do meddle; with our business. • - Theoretically, their meddling with ua, in a manner which is even advantageous to- our interests, does not lessen the pinching, of the constitutional shoe. '* Taxation without representation" is. a fundamental evil demanding eradication ;• but compulsory socalled representation is a double evil, and is none the less that it is. 'associated with that political apathy, which is the necessary concomitant of . events in a new country. The constitution of bur Council confers far too much power on the Premier of the day. Here we assume that th.c Governor-, when nominating a Councillor, is an automaton, the real wire-puller beirig the Premier; ; When a majority throws out a Government measure in the Councjl, our constitution' empowers the Premier to nominate additional Councillors for the purpose of converting the favorable. Upper House minority into, a triumphant majority. It seems all very well to say that this power 4s seldom exercised. It is also said that its mere existence is a great potentiality. We, reply,. "Let public.opinion, in its endless ramifications, provide its own potentialities.' 1 It is no part of our duty, as constitutional statesmen, to manufacture what, |or want of a better, name, may be called a negative basis of legislation. On this subject, we have a divine precedent. " Tho a ahalt not," is the unvarying preface of the ten commandments which, constitute the basis of boffi ancient and modern legislation. A law is either good or bad ; if the latter* itshould not be enacted, or, if enacted/ it should be repealed i if. jjood, it should not require any apology. Our Legislative ( Councillors must have incomes above £500 per year. This is a class provision. Generally speaking, we have no objection to class provisions. But we do object to class provisions, which, in theory at all events, produce effects disadvantageous to a majority of olasses. In selecting Legislators, property And intelligence should constitute the qualifications. Mere manhood suffrage alone is & most illogical qualification. Numbers of people - are not' fools until they reach those years which are called tho, " years of discretion." A legislator should have a ciilti vated imagination, logical faculties, a clear comprehension, facility for expressing his iteas, and a will which will not. change its purpose, unless conviction, based on facts and on propriety, pro* duceß the change. - These men do not, toa large extent, exist in a new country ; ,fcut 'we should have a, st&ridard whereby merit may be pronloted, atu^obyipu^ demerit made known. Will £600 per; year confer, the qualities, named? LWill a money qualification convert a hereditary donkey into 4 Derby winner? But

sentaton. »men's vieifs J^falgefuind the vice-regal jßidipinee wio^te!lßsw?«oight act %d th&Jlegislati^B his adotfted cc«mbry, migh|t, ii*^74fowfeve a perfect djcag^bn n^ jwueeloT jpSgress ; and if ihe^uclh(afed: Ifagmftee to " the curses loud, but deep '* of the tax* pajrers, It would doubtless be, "I got no trusV-from you ; I have none to give you." Nay, the very Governor who Appftiji^^ew^^ealaj^j&asQc^^&y die, resign, or be removed, and thereby the Legislative 'Council'* reigns, supreme and irrespective of any court of appeal iinievte^n^.W^{i^Qzax bTßussia, in theory ai least, is iiotJmore despotically "constituted" than are the tenants of the Crown in the New Zealand Upper House* And yet in this Chamber^ w&ich ianoffxr removed from popular control, dwelltf the great pow.er 1 of vetoing any measure* And all Bills,, save Money Billa, ■ can amended by. them, and they , are empowered to initiate' laws, on & variety.; of subjects. Should the Assembly betray its trust — should its members imitate the action of slaves or spaniels— then indeed the Legislative Council may beneficially interpose to checkmate .the too great dominance of a Premier surrounded by a promise-fed menagerie > of lick-spittle socalled law makers; -But when the Cotun cil does act the good part, it does not do so because it is properly constituted, but because "the chapter of accidents'* has placed within ita nominee system a number of good men* .whose places, under any system, could be ill-supplied. And that very system 'which may be' put in motion by comparatively just senators,' may, after a time, become ait engine of despot- 1 ism in the hands of less conscientious men.

• 1 Oh, would some nower the giftie gie us, To see oUrsels as ithers see Us t 'Twould from monie a blunder free us, An' foolish notion. , The Rev. Dr. Begg, who is on a visit to Dunedin, and who,* ere these lines meet the public eye, will probably be en rout* for " Auld Scotland," or at all events Out 1 of Otago, recently, per request, delivered ' to the people of Dunedin an extempore address, the matter bf which was bbth secular and ecclesiastical, but the style was that of a lay lecture. Envy is a deadly sin, and we plead guilty to that sin, for when we read the apparently excellent report of the grea.t clerical veteran's address, we coveted the glorious opportunity placed at the disposal of the citizens of Dunedin. Dr. Begg is, so to speak, a living land mark in the history of Scotland. He is patriotic ; but love iot his native land does not smother those, noble cosmopolitan sympathies ' which enable hi 3 .large, heart and powerful intellect' to reasph with philb^onKers. and to sympathise jvmOh'e" leaders "of the - march of progress. Perhaps his iuirro* of Otago has been too flattering. In ■this respect, it is ntoro.like. a. portrait in oil than like a mirror or photograph. Cromwell said to his portrait painter, " Paint me, Sir, as I am, warts and all.'* TrUfr,We disserve much! ,of ihe worthy doctor's unfeigned praise, but a little ceWure^for surely we arc-not faultless'?—would have constituted a good, healthy tonic. A public meeting necessarily inspires an orator with a desire to be agreeable, and-"a^eeab& th* doctojr accordi«^p was. Ai3 an 4mpaid^and > voluntary n|r migration agent, the rev. doctoris superior to an army of Trollopes or Featherstones. It is mnch matter for regret that Tnapeka will probably, never have ihe opportnnatj? of seeing the doctor in. tue flesh. .