GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Tuapeka Times, Volume III, Issue 128, 21 July 1870, Page 6

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Wellington, July 12th. A petition has been presented from Major Kemp, asking for the release of the Maori prisoners now in Dunedin, and for their being placed under hia charge. The financial debate was resumed this afternoon by Mr. Eich, who supported the principle of the financial proposals of the Government, though he thought the proposed loan too large. The expenditure of the money should also be placed under restrictions, to prevent its being squandered. Mr. Ludlam generally supported the principle of the Government proposals, while objecting greatly to the details. Mr. Tancred saw three courses open to the House— either to reject the scheme, to accept it aa it stood, or to modify it. He thought the odds were at least 10 to 1 against the success of the scheme, but it was at any rate consistent and well thought over, I and he would therefore vote for it as it stood. Mr. H. S. Harrison supported the Government. Mr Stafford, who rose at 7 o'clock, said that he had never risen to speak under a greater sense of embarrassment, as it was essential that a great scheme of colonisation should not bo mixed up with the ordinary Budget. The magnitude, novelty, vai'iety, and importance of the subjects to be considered also rendered their consideration embarrassing, especially as on their decision depended the weal or woe of the colony for many years. The responsibility did not rest alone on the Government which made the proposals, for no member could absolve himself from direct responsibility. Leaving the ordinary Budget discussion aside, he would consider the greater question involved. No Government or party could claim the sole paternity of the scheme, as for some years past there had been an ever ripening conviction in the public mind, that steps must soon be taken in the present direction. Twenty months ago, Mr Fitzherbert initiated it in correspondence with Earl Granville, and he had spoken in the same direction himself \ last session on the second reading of the Otago Loan Bill. Mr Rolleston had also done so more recently in his election speech at Tiiuaru, and in his message to the Canterbury Provincial Council. He was agreeably surprised to find the present Ministry bring forward such a scheme on the present occasion, as he had not expected that they would propose a scheme in direct opposition to the cardinal points of the policy they had always professed. It was especially singular, seeing they opposed a loan for war purposes last session, to find the Government propose a war loan now, and still moro so when Mr Fox had declared at Dunedin a few weeks ago that it was not their intention to do so. Mr Fox's cardinal points were like dissolving views, but he (Mr Stafford) hoped that the present proposal would not prove so, but would be taken up, cherished, shaped, and matured, so as to exercise a beneficial influence on the future of the colony. Mr Fox* conversion was no doubt due to Mr Vogel's influence, and he hoped he would be still further converted, and adopt a colonial system of primary education. He himself had no desire to interfere with those provinces which were doing their duty in the matter, but several of the provinces were doing nothing-, and it was not right proper fitting, or seemly that the Colonial Legislature should sit idly by and allow a large section, of the young population of the colony to grow up uneducated barbarians. The precedent now established was that no great work which was likely to affect the future welfare of the colony was unworthy of the attention of the Legislature. Alluding to the pledge given by the Commissioners, he said that they were members of the Government, and that therefore their action could not be repudiated as in the case of simple agents who had exceeded their authority. He hoped the honour and credit of the colony would not suffer from the diverse action of the two sections of the Ministry. He thought that the discussion which would take place in the Imperial Parliament on the proposal to guarantee a Million Loan, coupled with the present proposals, would seriously injure the credit of the colony. Many members would take the opportunity to declare New Zealand to be insolvent, and unable to bear its present burdens. Turning to the Immigration proposals, "land, labour, and capital " was an old cry, and represented the necessary elements of prosperity for the colony. I Land we had, and our great concern { was how to get labour and capital in nicely balanced proportions. No one could deny that the time must come when we must consider how to obtain this end. He failed, however, to see | in the Government schema such safe- [ guards as would enable us to make such proposals with due regard to the 1 honour and credit both of ourselves and our children. He thought the House was bound to endeavour earnestly so to shape the proposals as to ensure as the result a well-con-sidered and safe scheme. The Government had candidly asked his assistance, and he gave it in the same spirit, and would endeavour to render the scheme as perfect as possible. The Immigration proposals had been flung on the

floor with an entire absence of detail. There was no provision made with regard to the number of immigrants to be obtained annually, or what was to be done with them when they landed. He was lost in wonder as to whether the Q-overnment supposed that the Legislature would be satisfied with so crude and undigested a scheme. He would endeavour to indicate his own views. He would like to &cc newly married couples and families containing marriageable daughters selected in the south and west of England, the north of Ireland, and the Lothians of Scotland, brought out to the colony, the Government engaging to find twelve months' work for them on public works at prices previously agreed upon. He would allow them to seek private employment at harvesting and shearing, and afterwards return to the Government work. He would make provision for their- settling on the arterial lines of communication throughout the country, and to do this lie would, walk over tlie lieada of the whole of the existing land laws. There were now immense tracts of country in the Middle Island where working men could not find rest for the solos of their feet. These tracts had been sold for almost nothing, and were occupied unproductively both to the owners and the colony. It behoved the colony to take power to itself to resume the ownership of these tracts, compensating the owner for doing so. Along the arterial lines of road he would make villages and settlements at distances of eight or ten miles, and would give immigrants three acre allotmants in them, with the right to acquire ten or twelve acres more by residence upon them for periods to be agreed upon. He would provide large common 3 in the neighbourhood of each village, giving the runholders compensation, and making them fence off the common from their runs, or else barring their right to complain of trespass. Such a system would ensure immigrants being cared for on their arrival. Among his other comments on the three million loan, Mr. Yogel had said that the intention of the Government seemed to be to get large means into their hands, and to chance the propei- expenditure. This was equally applicable to the present proposals. He would object to have rival immigration agencies, as his own experience showed him that that would only be to maintain a body of paid detractors of all other parts of the colony than that which each represented. The Immigration and Public Works Bill bristled with powers to the Government;, but was innocent of precautions. He would * endeavour, not in a carping spirit, but with an earnest desire to carry out its principle, so to modify the Bill in Committee as to shape it so that it might most safely and largely conduce to effect its ob-. ject. He could not conceive of the House passing clause 22, which would enable the ardent soul and fertile imagination of the Treasurer to commit the colony as far beyond the thirteen millions authorised by clause 20, as he liked. "With regard to railways, the House should each session decide what lines should be constructed during the ensuing year, as well as by whose agency they should be con-, structeil, and their maximum cost. This was the only way to prevent a reckless expenditure, and to ensure a continuous system. Why did they expect the railways to repay their cost? He had never heard of common roads doing so, and he thought the same system should be applied to railways. They indirectly benefited the country, and he would willingly see large railways constructed, if only they paid their working expenses during the next fifty years, but he did not like to see too large works of this kind entered upon at once. The first railways should open up country which was now unoccupied because it was inaccessible, like, that between the Wanganui and Waitara rivers ; and those districts in the immediate vicinity of seaports, as from Dunedin to the Clu;tha. He objected to the construction, of a line from Wanganui to Taupo, which was of no use as a colonising work, while if it was a military one, it should be started as such. Eailways were not so good as ordinary roads for military purposes, as an active enemy in an unoccupied country could so easily inteiTupt the communication. He was strongly opposed to the proposal to again make the colony a land jobber by purchasing Native land. Any proposal to increase the taxation per head must fail both financially and politically, but the incidence of the taxation might ba advantageously altered. Why did not the Government reduce the existing taxation in some direction, and introduce new methods instead % He had said enough to show that he approved of the principle of the proposals, though he was unable to approve of the details. In order to give them effect, however, he was willing to enter into the earnest consideration of them, so as to make them as effectual as possible. He would not oppose any scheme of, the the principle of which he approved, simply because it came from an opponent. He was actuated by an earnest and honest desire to devise a great scheme of colonisation, ■which should not be marred by any want of due consideration, and which should be sent into the world in such a shape as would confer honour and credit upon the colony. As one who had given the'

best years of his life to the colony, which was also the home of his children, he expressed a fervent hope that the deliberations of the House on this great question might result in the production of a scheme which, while promoting the honour and dignity of the colony and its people, would also promote their welfare and prosperity. Mr. Stafford was greatly cheered as he sat down. Mi\ Macandrew strongly supported the proposals. Mr, Gillies is now speaking very strongly against the proposals, urging an appeal to the country, and the awaiting the opinion of England and the other colonies before adopting them. He declared it to be his conviction that nothing but ruin to the colony couldresult from the adoption of the scheme. July 13th. Mr. Birch asked the Government to-day if they were aware as to what steps, if any, have been taken to reverse the judgment of the Court of Appeal with respect to the Princesstreet Heserve, Dunedin ; and also whether the Government were prepared to lay on the table accounts showing how the £400 placed in the hands of Mr. Mantell for the purpose of carrying on an action at law against the Superintendent of Otago, have been disposed of. To the first part of the question Mr Fox replied that the Government knew nothing more than had been already published. As to the second part, Mr. Mantell had been asked for, but had not yet given in, an account. The Municipal Corporations Amendment Bill was thrown out by 41 to 15. Mr. Carleton moved ta-day for " copies of all correspondence, not yet laid on the table, having reference to the mission of Commissioners Featherston and Bell to England ; also of all correspondence, including telegrams, concerning the non-appointment as Commissioner of Mr. Cracroft Wilson." The Government opposed the motion, which was lost on the voices. The financial debate has just been resumed by Mr. Collins, who opposes the Government proposals in toto. Mr. Fox speaks next. It is rumoured that the Government have prompted Mr. Ormond to surest the postponement of the scheme till after the elections, when they will accept the suggestions made, and withdraw their Bills. July 14th. Mr Fox's speech consisted chiefly of a running criticism on the previous speakers. He denied that the Government proposals had been framed with a view to the general election. Mr. Hall severely criticised Mr. Vogel's views of the new system of keeping the public accounts, saying that it prevented the real state of affairs from being found out. He asked the Government to content themselves with resolutions affirming the principle of their proposals, leaving the details to the new Parliament. He would not oppose the granting of a sufficient sum to enable the Government to carry on immigration and public works during the year. Mr. Kinnersley said that he approved of no part of the Government proposals, except that relating to a water supply for the goldfields, and for that the amount set apart was too small. He objected to protection which would only be taking money out of the pockets of the miners to put into the pockets of the farmers. Mr. Reader Wood moved the adjournment of the debate, intimating that next day he would move the following amendment : — " That the Committee, whilst approving of the policy of promoting immigration and public works throughout the colony, proportionate to its resources, would, in, view of the early dissolution of Parliament, prefer that the country be consulted on the whole plan." He resumed the debate to-day, when he declared that Mr. Fox's speech was unworthy both of himself and of the occasion, as it only ridiculed and chaffed the previous speakers, and did not enter into the re il question. July 17th. Colonel Haultain advised the delay of the consideration of the financial scheme to next session, so as to allow time for calm consideration. He instituted a comparison between the expenditure of the late and the present Government, saying that Mr. Vogel's own figures showed that the expenditure for Defence purposes last year was only £25,000 less than during the previous year, when war was raging on the East Coast. The present Ministry had only carried on the policy conceived by their predecessors, and had failed in every original plan they had attempted to carry out. The want of a proper commander in the field had been the principal cause of their lack of success. He considered the' arming of the friendly natives as a step pregnant with danger to the colony. Many of the friendly tribes were disaffected on account of the treatment they had received. ' He advised the Government to demilitarise the natives rather than the European forces. Mr. Ormond complained that Colonel Haultain was raking up the " wretched past."' The late Government had tried to provoke war, whereas the present one had re-established peace and confidense, and the colony cared little what amount of money had been required to do that. Mr. Osmond then attacked Mr, Wood, Mr. Gillie 3, and

others, for not daring to move a more hostile amendment, although they had spoken against the Government. Mr. Gillies, he said, was actuated by an ultra-provincial feeling, desiring to remain king in Bumbleton, whatever might happen to the rest of the colony. He warmly supported Mr. Vogel's proposal to purchase native land, as well as the Government proposals generally, as being the first really colonial ones ever submitted to the Assembly. A colonial scheme was necessary to break down the present isolation of the petty little kingdoms composing the colony. The real question was one of administration, and that he would place in the hands of the Colonial Government. The general desire of the House seemed to be to modify the proposals, but as it was undesirable that the Bills should be torn to pieces, he thought the Government would be wise to postpone them until next session, after taking a resolution affirming the general principle contained in them, and voting a certain sum for carrying on immigration and public works during £h.e present year. The new elections would, he was sure, place the Government in a position to carry out their plans, which the House and the Government thanked them for proposing. Mr. Creighton defended the action taken by Mr. Gillies, ascribing Mr. Ormond's attack on that gentleman to jealousy caused by a dispute between them as Superintendents, as to certain waste lands when Mr. Ormond had to disgorge certain moneys. He would like to see the voice of the country taken on the Government proposals. He approved of the principle, but thought that whatever might be the liesources of the colony, its revenue (did not warrant its borrowing ten millions, unless the provinces were abolished and the colony resumed possession of the colonial estate, and assimilated the land laws. If, however, the Government pushed' their proposals, he would aid in passing them. He strongly opposed protection" and approved of the gradual abolition of the pi'ovinces.

Mr. Borlase regretted that the proposed loan was so small, as he would like to have seen it 20 or 30 millions. The scheme should be gone on with immediately, the money being spent by the Provincial Governments under the direction of the General Government. He would resist protection to the utmost.

Mr. Haughton thought the Government deserved credit for bringing down the scheme. He objected to many of the details, but would nevertheless assist to pass the Bills this session, as it was better that the scheme should be dealt with by an experienced than by an inexperienced Parliament.

Mr. W. H. Harrison approved of the principle of the proposals, but thought that the details were speculative, hasty, and crude. The plan should ba remitted for more mature consideration than it could receive during the present session.

Mr. C. O'Neill entirely supported the Government scheme.

Mr. Wells moved the adjournment of the debate.

It has been attempted to prove that Sunday is an unlucky day for statesmen and for France generally, and that a better date might have been chosen for taking the plebiscite. The following sinister events happened on that day:— May 8, 1721, death of Vayer d'Argenson, statesman : 1782, death of Marquis de Pombal, statesman ; 1785, death of Duke de Choiseul, statesman ; 1795,. Fouquier Tinville, revolutionist, guillotined; 1816, law of divorce abolished: 1838, Hubert's plot against Louis Philippe; 1842, the dreadful railway acident at Versailles; 1847, ministerial crisis followed by the flight of the king ; 1870, the plebiscite. "Le Gaulois" relates an incident which, it says, occurred a few days since at Nice. The Princess of Manaco, who, by the advise of the Emperor Napoleon, recently returned to her husband at Nice, determined, for some reasons not known, to quit him, and, with her mother, took seats in a carriage forming part of the train for Paris. The Prince followed his wife, and desired her to alight; but she refused. He threatened to invoke the aid of the gendarmes ; but the Princess was inexorable. The station-master, finding the hour of departure had already passed, ordered the carriage in which the Princess was seated to be disconnected, and despatched the remainder of the train to Paris, leaving the Prince and his wife to arrange their difference at leisure.

The death of M. Marie, the eminent Fcench lawyer and well-known politician, occurred on April 28, and the funeral took place on April 30. at the church of St. Roch. ''Le Gaulois" quotes a phrase from his will which runs as follows : — " I crave your pardon, my children, for leaving you but a modest competency. Another would have been able to have made you rich, very rich. . But I have held it a duty to devote my whole life to the political cause which I had embraced, and I have assumed that you would prefer that to any other heritage." The Russian Army List for 1870, which has just been published, reveals the curious fact that in 1868, of 21,013 officers of the Russian Army, there were 7,350 who had received no* education whatever, and that only 391 of them had been educated in a college* or university,