The Tuapeka Times. SATURDAY, JULY 17, 1869. "Measures, not Men."

Tuapeka Times, Volume II, Issue 75, 17 July 1869, Page 2

The Tuapeka Times. SATURDAY, JULY 17, 1869. " Measures, not Men."

While it is very improbable that Mr. Driver's assertion of his power to treat for the purchase of this Colony by the United States Government was anything more than a senseless piece of bragadoccio, it may prove useful as a means of directing the attention of the public to the nature of our connection with the English Government. At the present time, when we are harrassed by internal discord, and when the state of European politics threatens, sooner or later, a general war, this matter deserves our most careful consideration. At present, we enjoy, witfr" one exception, almost perfect independence in the adjustment of our local affairs, but, unfortunately, that exception is of the most vital importance. The English Government has always shown itself — from the most noble motives, no doubt — prone to interfere with the management of native affairs, even after it had left the matter to the Colonial Government. This unfortunate tendency has been a powerful influence in breeding contempt of the local authorities in the native mind, and has unquestionably fostered a disaffected spirit. This alone is a powerful argument for those who desire to see the connection between New Zealand and the Home country entirely severed. Still more potent is the argument derived from the hourly danger we incur by our relation with England.As long as that country remained not only the first, but the only naval power in the world, her Colonial possessions were secured from the dangers of war. That proud position England no longer occupies, her apparent ambition being only to keep on an equality with France, while both America and Russia are formidable rivals. In the event of a war with any two of these powers combined, — and such an event is far from improbable,— the colonies of the South Pacific would necessarily be left defenceless, and would learn the lesson too late that weak independence is better than dependence on the strongest. Six vessels, the Sumter, Alabama, Nashville, Florida, Georgia, Tallahassee, and Shenandoah, badly equipped, and in most cases far from remarkable for sailing powers, sufficed to sweep the seas of American commerce ; and what resistance could we offer against the squadrons of similar craft a future war is sure to evoke ? But, it may be objected, such an argument

only deals with contingencies ; and although in the opinion of those who, from the study of the history of the past are best qualified to anticipate the history of the future, these are almost inevitable, the advantages of our connection might be held to overbalance the risk. N lt is not, therefore, solely on the* chances of a general war that the separationists base their arguments. The commercial restrictions under which England labours affect us. Her rivalry with other nations closes profitable markets, which would at once be open to a non-manufactur-ing power. Further, we are injured by remaining so long in leadingstrings; our energies are paralized by a prolonged infancy. The history of the United States, and of | the Spanish Dependencies in South .A-.meri.ea., prove how tonic an efifect independence has on even the most j feeble communities. Disunion^ which in a colony is only injurious, is fatal to an independent state, and therefore has self-interest arrayed against it. At present, New Zealand presents the appearance of a congeries of independent communities held together by the frailest bond, which only the feeling of a common nationality and general responsibility, which springs from independence, could weld into a perfect union. Such are a few of the chief objections against the continuance of our connection with England; let us endeavour to explain some of its advantages. Foremost among these is perhaps the moral influence of a close connection between the fatherland and the land of adoption. The family affections and the domestic virtues are not exposed to too violent a rupture ; the prejudices of a separate nationality do not alienate the adventurer from his kindred and home. One of the most powerful influences for good is thus preserved intact ; and although a certain class of reasoners may denounce it as sentimental, we believe it to be the strongest reason for preserving our colonial existence. The Sovereign of England has lost all material power, but, owing to the virtues of of the present occupant of the throne, has acquired an enormous social influence for good. This we feel even in our remote island, in spite of the contempt which the crassness or cowardice of any Governor may bring upon royalty. Still, it is questionable whether these moral advantages counterbalance the material disadvantages previously stated. If our morals be for a time endangered by separation, it will only be for a time. In all other respects separation must j prove a blessing. A united New Zealand, where no petty jealousies of North and South remain, can hardly fail to annihilate the aboriginal disturbers of our peace. An extensive commerce with countries from whose markets an antiAnglican tarriff at present debars us will spring up, and New Zealand, in due course, realise the patriotic aspiration by being " great, glorious | and free." , We cannot remain as we are. If we are to continue as a dependency of England, she cannot refuse us protection and assistance ; it is the price she must pay for' bur allegiance. If she persists in her. refusal of aid, we are compelled to be self-reliant. Self-reliant ! ; but not in the manner our statesmen intei'T pret that phrase. We must use all our natural energies, and not while casting away one crutch remain encumbered with the other. We must stand or fall on our own merits, and to do so, must not permit them to be Gramped by the dilettante statesmanship of the Co- j lonial Office. When there is no hope for those who hanker after foreign aid, they may perhaps gird themselves to fight valiantly for their adopted land. To procure this unanimity of feeling we ' must burn our ships. " 'Tis well ; from that day forward' we shall know That in ourselves our safety must be sought ; That by our own right hands it must be wrought ; That we must stand unpropt or be laid low." j