The Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR P.M. Resurrexi. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1884.

Thames Star, Volume XV, Issue 4905, 29 September 1884, Page 2

The Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR P.M. Resurrexi. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1884.

The question of the federation of the British Empire has been agitating Home politicians of late, and without anj desire to embarrass the thoughts of those who yearn for even more integration than now exists in the bond which certainly is only a moral one, as regards certain legislation, we would exclaim cut bono as regards our position as a colony, and the proposals made. At the conference held recently in London, the federation of the mother country and the colonies was stronly urged. A former Governor of New Zealand and a recent visitor to it, viz, Lords Normanby and Eoseberry, upheld the arguments offered to the effect that federation—from a Legislative point of view—was essential to the permanent unity of the Empire. This, of course, no common sense person can- by any manner of means controvert, but there are so many considerations in the matter of -detail requiring careful thought and treatment, involved, that colonial action should not be hurried. Different Australasian colonies have at various times sought the Legislative assistance of tbe Home Country in their efforts in the direction of colonisation, and the promotion of their interests by the annexation of'adjoining island territory, but the aid sought was not, in recent instances particularly, given. Proposals made by more than one colonial govern* ment in such a direction have been re> ceived coldly by tha Home authorities, and obstacles have teen thrown in the way of their consummation, notwithstanding the fact that good sound argument bad been adduced in favor of the requests made. In the face of this a certaiu amount of Home influence is apparently beiDg brought to bear in tho direction of making the bonds of unity between England aod her colonies firmer—if possible— tban they are now, but it would seem that the binding is not likely to partake of that mutual character which should exist. It aiay or may mi be that too laayou liberty

is deemed an evil by the concocters of the scheme under review, but there certainly is a tendency in some of them towards the curtailment of the freedom which now characterises colonial government. One of the ideas promulgated is of this nature—the colonies should be re« presented in the Home Parliament; this in itself is as undesirable as it is unnecessary. The constitution of a people in one country is by no means similar as regards laws, habits, and circumstances to that of even the same people in another ; the different surroundings, the social and political requirements, and — more especially in the colonies—the multitude of interests, national and others; j point; oat ihe fact that one Government | cannot even interfere in jtbeir regulation, beyond the carrying out of national laws now exercised by the Mother Country. A dissimilarity cruld not pogsibly be more marked thati in the case of a contrast between an Australasian colonist of say, even ten years standing, and that individual person when he left his native -»vnnUy. it would appear that colonial representation in the ! English Parliament would be worse than useless. It may be argued that members of the House of Commons, returned to conserve colonial interests, having intimate knowledge of matters affecting British dependencies—especially in the Southern Seas, would enlighten and instruct legislators and remove the scales from the eyes of gome of (hem, but, ideas are formed, and little education is required in Colonial matters as far as the present Home IP, is concerned while the system of Agent-Generalship now existent continues. It vrould be very gratifying perhaps to unpractical politicians and novelty hunters to see the names of a few New Zealanders on the roll of the House of Commons members, as representatives of the Colony, but we fear the advantages derived could be weighed in a very small balance. The [cw members allowed would be so infinitesimal that the representation would be only in name, and by accepting it certain binding obligations would more than likely have to be entered into ; we are, perhaps, better without it. Under our present constitution we can probably carry on our government as satisfactorily and prosperously as wo hare done in the past. There is certainly reasonable ground for belief that this and other colonies have not been too liberally dealt in the matter of their wishes as expressed regarding the annexation of South Sea Islands ; yet, we now see a movement made at Homa for British federation when there is, on tho part of the promoters, nothing to lose and everything to gain. New Zealand has always been a dutiful child to its Imperial mother, and no* less can be said of the other branches of the Australasian family; therefore some consideration should be shown.to the desires of such an-offspring, and its prayers not ruthlessly ignored, more especially when its future prosperity is at stake. Each member of the Southern family has its own battle to fight at present, and we derm it the duty of the parent to improve its prospects whenever opportunity offers. The ties now existent between England and her colonies are firm, and not likely to be easily weakened. If any movement is to be made in the matter of further binding, it seems only rational that those most seriously affected arc the likeliest to move in any inaugural steps to be taken. We hope our enthusiastic English friends will not be too precipitate in their London movements, in case any injudicious action of theirs, prompted by purely philanthropic motives alone, may meet with an insufficient recognition at the hands of the colonists.