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Thames Star, Volume XII, Issue 3959, 6 September 1881, Page 2

(Pbb Pkess Association.) Wellington, Yesterday. Tbe debate on the the third reading of the Representation Bill was resumed by Mr Gisborne, who spoke in opposition, as also did Mr Harris, Mr Seddon, and Taiaroa. Mr Reeves followed, spying he felt his hands tied aud his mouth gagged; but still he must oppose the bill to the utmost. „ Sir G. Grey complained of having, when speaking on Friday, been ruled out of order when alluding to the consequences which might result from the concentration of political power in a few governing families. He held the bill should be entitled " Not a Representative Bill,' but one to further limit the electoral rights of the people of New Zealand." | If full freedom of speech was not accorded i him to speak as a statesman should in all | time ; then it was no use his speaking at all. He would, however, proceed, ,to speak^fully and openly, and he hoped he would be permitted now to do so. New Zealand was, ;he believed, in a more desperate conditiou on the land qusstion than even Ireland. The people had been plundered by chicanery, and by the imputation of political power. The Premier had certainly stolen his clothes often 'enough, but this bill was not one of his garments. He explained the difference between this bill and the one he had dratted. He had ueveroffered any unfair opposition to. the bill. Even the very night before the coup d'etat he and Mr Macandrew had been engaged in drawing up a compromise, which he believed would have been accepted—that the towns should not be divided ; that no additional power should be given to property, and that the, case of .Nelson should be submitted to the House on a separate clause. When the action of .Friday night was taken, however, he .saw - all hope of a peaceful settlement at an end, and determined to have nothing more to do with men capable of such conduct.'; He was not at all jealous of the increase of representation to the Middle Island. He wanted representation for ail tbe- colony according to population. The Maoris, in the North should, he thought, be taken into account. He would not even insist on this if equal voting power was secured to every elector in the colony He spoke at length on the acquisition of large landed estates in this colony. He would suffer anything to expose the wrongs already perpetrated, and likely to be perpetrated, by this bill. The state of land matters inNew Zealand was more alarming than in Ireland. In the latter country there were persons owning over 10,000 acres—l3s in Ireland, 259 in New Zealand ; owning over 29,000 acres—9o in Ireland, 118 in New. Zealand ; owning over 50,000 acres—4o in Ireland, 36 in New Zealand ; owning over 100,000 acres—3 in Ireland, 7 in New Zealand. In Ireland 292 of the largest landholders hold 6,458,100 acres, giving an average of 22,117 acres. In New Zealand 250 largest holders hold 6,678,000 acres, giving an average- of 25,783 acres. In the United Kingdom there are 10,911 estates of over 1000 acres, representing 52,083,095 acres, or an average size of 4773 acres. In New Zealand there are 1663 estates of over 1000 acres,/representing ir,084,000 acres, giving'an- average of 6787 acres. That was the state of things as between Ireland and this country. In -New Zealand large properties were acquired by, first the «ridironing system, and second, by what was called the pre' emptive right. The modus operandi followed in both eases were described, after which the speaker-went on to say that nothing more unfair could possibly, be conceived. Under the pre-emptive system, 350,000 acres were alienated, and' as it allowed to selectors 10 years to complete them,- he regretted the colony, was robbed by that means of the interest on their 350,000 acres ; or as a monetary consideration £350,000. It was againstsuch wrongs as these he lifted up his voice, aud ho would continue to do so, even although he went through New Zealand hooted'by ettsry man in the country. It was remarkable that the country should be trusted in the hands of men of the class radicated above. That was the ques'tioa they were brought face to face wk!j. They were dangerous truths and it was in, view of that fact that the Premier sought to shut their mouths. He had also endeavored to bribe others by granting the increased voting powers.' If this design succeeded he could forsee suffering humanity amongst a few wealthy men, perhaps not living here, but spending their ill-golten gains in another country. Foreseeing all that, he could, not —he would not —re •am silent. How was this state of affairs ever to' get right? If a bill of this kind passed which gave the man who had committed the wrong in the first instance eight or mue votes as a reward for that very wrong doing, the time would come when these things would be understood, aud understood with bitterness. ; In New". Zealand the enormous total of 100,000.000. acres had been divided nmongst lb'32'persons. These were the men who weYe steadily fighting on to rule over them, to make them serfs; aye, and serfs of. the lowest grade. Il was against such a doom as > this they had to strive. Leave this bill as it .was, and it meant the power of sending a majority of that class to the House. It meant the whole control of all the office as well as, of the lands. In short, it_. meant the. means for securing greater power than it yet had. Not only would it be the means of inflicting further injury, but it would •be the means of validating past wrongs, as witness the Validation Acts from time to time passed by this very Government and its prede cessors. He told them that he would resist every step through the whole. This Bill must yet press on the event, although he stood solitary and alone.' Mr Saunders said they had heard that kind of declaration' night after night, despite the fact that those who uttered it knew it was utterly groundless. The bill which was now denounced was in reality as had been shown, the bill of his (Sir George Grey's) own Cabinet; They had also been told that he dissented from it. It was remarkable, however that that dissent bad uot taken the form of resignation on his part; that of itself was a most significant fact. There was no great change to be apprehended from property. The tyranny was to be apprehended from the opposite class, the ne'er-do wells, unemployed, and others, who never did anything worthy of respect or consideration of the country. He was proceeding to say that there was no reason for any honest man to be unemployed in this colony, when his remarks were interrupted by howling and hooting from the publjo gallery.

The Speaker said if any interruption again toi'k placu there, he would cause the gallery to be cleared at onuo. Mr Suunders then proceeded, protesting against the efforts made to set class against class Mr Hutchioson maintained that there were many industrious, hard working men who had been unable to find employment, a fact which he attributed to the action of the Government. He did not look upon the bill as at all calculated to do an injury to the colony or to the North Island ; for that reason he would vote for the third reading; as a step in the right direction. He apprehended, however that they were getting this bill at a humiliating sacrifice. The majority had had to coerce the minor-. ity. There was a great deal said about the rights of minorities to coerce majorities now; but he reminded the Government that about the time they came into office they had their seats when decided by in a minority, until it suited their purpose to allow the question to go to the vote. After securing a majority, they had abolished their standing by a coup d'etat. In reality they had no standing order at the present moment. If ever there was a sitting of committee which required great delibera* tion it was the schedules of this bill, and yet they had been told that they would have to swallow the schedule put as it stood. Then, again, partiality was shown, as some persons were allowed to speak on any subject- He, himself, had something to say ; but he felt there was no use in attempting to say it. He did not wish to be stopped by the Speaker, as some others had been. What he wished to say was, that he was not very sure but that they were getting this bill at top dear a. price— at the price of a demoralisation of, fair debate and criticism.' , ....,, v

Mr Hurst contended that the represe'tf*.' tation as between North and South Islands ought to have been left unaltered. He contended still that it was only right that the Maoris should have beeu included in the population basis. He was not so sure that; the irregularity would eventually lead to the dismemberment of the colony. They had a series of resolutions in that direction at present on the Order Paper, and he believed North and South, from different reasons, might desire it again. He believed that the passage of the bill would probably lead to the seat of Government being changed, and he thought very properly, as the site was fixed for the convenience of members, and that of the majority could be best consulted by meeting at Christchurch. Sir George Grey bad voted for the second reading, although he now objected to the bill, whereas he himself opposed the bill from the very first. He would support the amendment for reading that day six months, although he knew the bill would pass.