Socialism in Germany.

Thames Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2926, 2 July 1878, Page 2

Socialism in Germany.

(PALI MALI GAZETTE.) (Concluded from our last)

The socialists thoroughly understand the value of tho Press as a means of influencing public opinion. They hate now no fewer tban forty newspapers, and they hare * recently started a monthly periodical of large literary pretensions, < The pamphlets and occasional sheets issued by them are innumerable, and the-e are hawked about the country and find their way into the remotest towns and hamlets. No political party summons so many meetings as the Socialists; nor do v any representatives address assemblies-so frequently as the Socialist deputies. Erery occasion for an imposing demon* stration is seized, and the only limits respected by the speakers are those which' police regulations prevent them from crossing. At municipal elections, too, the party is one of the moat active in Germany.' In some municipal bodies they have actually secured the majority ; and a short time ago a town in Wi.rteinberg would hay had a Socialist for its burgomaster iiad not the Government refused to sanction the appointment. So passionate is the ' belief of the Socialists in their destiny that, like the French Republican! in the early days of their triumph, they " display a strong missionary- ardour. The meetings annually held in London in celebration of the Commune a^e invariably .addressed by Germans; at every Congress whose object is to protest against society in its present form Germans are prominent speakers;. and the* Atnericcns did not fail to observe how large was the German ' "element among the railway officials who for some days spread terror throughout the Stales in the summer of list year. In short, the Socialist party by which Germany is confronted is one which has all the characteristics of a party with a future. It will not ultimately prevail; 'but it will die hard, and for many years to come —perhaps for generations—it will be a source of incessant anxiety and trouble.

We have already pointed out that the Socialists of Germany claim for their doctrines a thoroughly scientific charac* ter. This is one of the most remarkable " notes " of the whole movement. " Every lino I write," said Lassalle, in one of his polemical works; ."I write armed with the whole culture of my century j " and his many followers, professors and others, although^ not always ia such arrogant

terms, put forward exactly the same pretensions. They have issued innumerable treatises on the nature and origin of capital, its proper relations to labour, the idea of property, the functions of State, and the character of society in the future as it may be foreseen from the tendency of historical forces in the past. All this produces a profound effect on the German mind* .Englishmen, as a rale, greatly overrate the amount and quality of popular education in Germany; but Germans of all classes are sufficiently educated to have a deep respect for science. When, therefore, a body of professors and scholars come forward and proclaim that inevitably leads to a social theory which, * if realised, would secure high wages for

\ little work, it is natural that they should find eager listeners. Leaders of (he party Expound their doctrines with an assur- • ance that cannot but mislead ignorant persons whose prejudices ai*e already on their side ;| and the ground of their assurance is that teaching which is scientific must be true. They use the word "science" as if it were not less applicable f coheir ideas of political economy and history than to the laws of motion; and the'stability associated with the one net of conceptions is quietly transferred to the othex,. , It is here that" we find one of the chief secrets of - the extraordinary respecH?ith wKich Socialism is treated by its oppon9n/&. Within the last few months JBterr Bainberger and Professor Boretius hare ventured to talk of the " nonsense " of SociaHst writers; but this tone is quite exceptional. The majority of those who undertake -to defend existing institutions do so in a meek, riot to say timid spirit, as if conscious that, after all, the future belongs to tho3e who mean to exalt the working classes at the expense of the rest of the community. Many of the outside world, having neither leisure nor ability to examine such questicus for themselves, naturally conclude that when both sides are defended by men who ought to know, it must be possible to aay a good deal for either. In a country in which universities form so important a part of the national life, a peculiar force attaches to the moral authorities of professors. . , ' It is well known that the State in Ger-

many interferes to a much larger extent than in England, or even France, with iKe action of the individual. At every stage of a man's life it steps forward to remind him of its authority; and when any advantage is to.be gained for thecommunity, it is assumed that the necessary measures will be undertaken not by private energy, but by the Government. Several English journals have argued that many Germans become Socialists because tbey are tired cf this incessant interference, as boys 1m ed of school long for any chauge that will deliver them from intolerable restrictions; but this is wholly to misunderstand the question. The Socialists, far more wishing to destroy the action of the State, desire to extend it in their own favor. In the Stale of the future, they believe it will bo the business of the Government to provide, the productive associations with capital, to define their relations to each other, to protect their rights, to control the markets so that demand and supply shall be in perfect harmony, and to see that each workman obtains the proper reward of his labor. The incessant action of the State, instead of disgusting any class of Germans, has perhaps done more than anything else to give rise to the wild hopes of Socialist dreamers. It attempts so much that they Bee no reason why it should not attempt a great deal more. The State is, in fact, a sort of fetish among the Germans. When originally started German Socialism was ii no way connected with atheism ; but it is now essentially atheistic. Theological doctrine is regarded as part ©f the system which it is the object of ihe Socialists to overthrow ; indeed, they see in it the foundation of society in its present form, and do not doubt that if it is destroyed the superstructure must follow. Hence their attacks on priesLs of all persuasions are incessant; even a capitalist is not more loathsome to them than a preacher. In ordinary circumstances the Catholic clergy would respond to this haired as they have responded to it in France; but it so happens that in Germany they stand in one respect on the same ground as the Socialists. , Both detest the new Empire. The result is fiat in various places the Church has made extraordinary advances to this particular section of its opponents; and in the Imperial Parliament the Centre party often -comb^es with the Socialist deputies to defeat > r annoy their common enemy. And no member of parliament has spoken of the Socialists with so much sympathy as Ilerr Windthorst, the Ultramontane leader. In a famous speech, delivered immediately after the last general election, he described a visit he had paid to the principal polling-booths of Berlin, and spoke in high terms of the general appearance of Socialist voters. The effect of these tactics is that Catholic workmen are taught, to say the least, to look, leniently upon Socialism ; and this is in many instances the first step towards complete association with the party. The French clergy may be more bigoted than theirts&gvifttm brethren, but they certainly havetC^f clearer. understanding of the ultimate interests of their order.

Singular Fiottb.—You can't depend on Kansas flour. A loaf of bread passes into Leavenworth Gaol contained two files, a knife, a bottle of acid, and a roll of money. A country wbieh grows such wheat as that cannot expect to get ahead very fast.