Socialism in Germany.

Thames Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2925, 1 July 1878, Page 2

Socialism in Germany.

(PALL MALL! (UZBTTE.) The Socialist movement in Germany, which has at last begun to attract some attention in this country, is of very recent origin. It was started by Ferdinand Lassalle fifteen years iago. We do not mean to say .that there .were no German Socialists before his time ; but they were notran actiyejpariy in the State,-nor had their doctrines exercised any considerable influence on; the intellectual life, of (he ■ nation. • '■" ~V Although iLassalle ~ jsj- little known here even by name, he -wss one of- the most remarkable political* agitators "of the present century. He was bom in 1825, and when a mere jouth produced a profound impression ©n Alexander yon Hum* boldt and Houwk, The fonrer called him the •'miraculous-child;" and the latter, in a letter .to yamhagen yon Ense, predicted for him.a splendid career. Long before he came forward as the champion of the working classes he 'was known as a philosophic writer of_jfejiuine_. distiuction7-^HisH)Tjafcr6n~""Hcraclitag is one of the most learned, ingenious ** aud profound produced by the Hegelian ■* school^ and his" system of acquired rights," although' not so important as he :"'- ---supposed, is acknowledged to be a work', of vast research and penetrating thought. -,"■. He did not begin to be widely known as a ; politician until 1862. In, the spring of"? that yearJhe addgesjird a meeting of Berlin workmen, afterwards publishing the speech as_ a p mphlet entitled " The Workmen's Programme." it was not so- i* much a statement of opinion as a rhap-- ""' Body in anticipation of a new world. After the learned mannei of a German philoso* "•«&. pher, but with the ifire and4nthusiasm of a devote, he tracedfthe whole course of" modern hisfchry witi a view to prove that - fcbo future- belongs }o .the working pUllr* f lie ws^trieji for inciting the mob to re* : i)oJJtosst and.was ultimat^y^on^cmted to i inch's imprisonment, a penaLbt-awhich iiaajonly the effect o\ if^T* .J^ his - ze|UHJmDgiiK< his pame prominently,^' to for cor^a* \ '^^^^^^^^BM^pciation in T^vipzig,'^ ti^^^^^H^Hj^^iisvirer," whichhi^^^^^^^^^^^^ftrity of a saoredj:,; wrn^^^^^^^l^^^^Bir or the sect he ":' fonnJ^^^^^ffl^^B pamphlet, bnt-^ being^B^^^H^^^ft force and luci-, dfty, andi^^H^^^B page the stamp of passionatil^^^^^B, it could not fail to go straiH^^Bmark at which y its author aimed.T«^^^Hfemain propolis eitions is that under^^^^pr social con-^ ditions wagercan neve^^Hianently rise - : above the point which id^Hjtsary for the ? bare existenco of the w^ffl^ian and his'^ family. If,. therefore, thes»_-Conditions,"' are maintained, the working class lias nothing to look forward to Dut/poverty - * and.misery. ', Lassalie's remedy is "that' '- workmen should form themselves into - productive associati6os, and that the State, should advance' them sufficient capital to ;< ' enable them to start with an assurance of success. He expresses unbounded faith ..', in this plan, and^has only worjs of scorn and loathing-for those who, urge that the - business of, the"State is merely to defend „ ."> the person aad/propaity of the individual: "It is," he says, " the peculiar task^ijsMfll rotation of the State to Smooth theVMIH| for the great,forward movemenia^f hu. ■ "~ tntnity. That ia its mission; for that it iT, exists, and it lias always- ifwiKL and I '- must continue'to work towardt^Hblbd "t-^ Were the State to wot in theuHterhe : indicates, there would be noFKjpr

conflict between• ea/pi-tal and labour; for both, would be in tiie same hands, and the workman would obtain the full product of his energies. . This manifesto was followed up by a speech addressed to a vast meeting of workmen in Leipzig. Lassallo was a man of extraordinary vanity and ambition; but these are not qualities seriously resented by the multitude, and he had in his favor bis literary fame, comparative youth, and remarkable power as an orator. He was rich, and could not, therefore, be supposed to have vulgarly selfish motives ; and if there is any truth in the philosophy of clothes, even his tailor may have.contributed to his success, for he was something of a dandy, and would not condescend to wear a coat that had not come from Paris. ~'~ From Leipzig he proceeded to Frankfort, ; and from thence to the leading towns of the Ehineland; aud everywhere he was received with an enthusiasm that has, perhaps, never been paralleled in the political history of Gernjany. As the agitation advanced, his tone became more and more hostile to the richer classes ; he was especially Tehement inj^ll'3 attacks on the ; Liberal party, and^uounced the Press in nEnieasured terßns. : , Herr yon Bismarck, far ,frora-»Kemptitig to put him doffi^l*^ supposed^o give him secret CTcoilpß|icinent; and pL is a remarkable fact that -the. Conseijvative newspapers professed to findin liis demands'much .that was just and reasonable. It seems to, have occurred to the Premier and his supporters that something might be gained by detaching the working classes from the Liberals. They were not aware of the strength of the forces which were being rapidly organised. Lassalle was killed in a duel, at the age of 38, in 1864; but he had already formed a powerful party. It was by-and-bv split up into two sections. ""Notwithstanding his loathing of the present relation's between capital and labour, he had never counselled an appeal^p force, and he was an ardent patriot. -Tl»e cause of German unity had no more zealous advocate than he ; and it was essential to the success of his scheme that the State while resting on a popular basis, should be thoroughly centralised. A number of his adherents continued to uphold these principles; but others, associating themselves rather with Karl Marx than with Lassalle, soon adopted a far more radical programme. They scouted tfte idea that men owe ' allegiance to a special country, pro- ' claiming that a working man has public duties only to his own class; and they Urged that the lawful means for-realising the Socialist ideal are simply those which seem likely to lead to a successful issue. Each of these sections was for years represented by a newspaper of its own ; but in 1875 a reconciliation was effected, and now the party is the! most united in the German Kmpire., It is the extreme side which has carried the day. The party aims at nothing sfiort of the complete re- . r organisation of society. AJI wealth is to be appropriated for the benefit of the working class; no man in the State of the future is to possess erore than he personally acquires in conjunction with other members of proper^ formed associations ; and such Government as shall exist w4U ; have for its chief function the control'of • the industrial movement. ■ It would be a complete mistake to sup- ! pose that German Socialism ia confined to ■ workingmen. It is expounded at the universities by professors of considerable ' standing; and-fromj^m it has passed into th^-iirindT^f many*" =yOTrtb»-CTf--tb«- - middle class. Much of the popular literature of the day is to some extent affected by its spirit. It is even said that traces 6f its influence may be found in documents issuing from Government offices. And the doctrine, as might be expected in Germany,,is always set forth as strictly scientific. The German Socialist is profoundly convinced that he alone displays i true humanity ; but he is not less certain that he is supported by reason. He fearlessly appeals to political economy, and will argue by the hour ia defence of the position that the world has been steadily .moving in the directions of his Utopia. Lassalle's favorite idea was that the fate of the aristocracy of Eurppe was decided in 1789, and that of the bourgeoisie in 1848 ; and among those wjjp reverence his name this is now an article of faith. A German statesman will find few subjects more worthy of his- attention than the history of the efforts made by the Socialists to bo adequately represented in Parliament. Two Social Democrats took their place iv the ConstHuentfiejW&Stag " which assembled, in 18(32.,- "after the war with Austria. In the J'leichstag of 1868 the number, mounted^io five. The tide of patriotism ai'u;v £de Franco-German war rose so m'&!i - C\a\ t for a time; Socialism seemed to/lie checked ,• and in the number/ was again only two. yThe-elections forj'the iieichstag in 1874, however, producyed nine Socialist deputies ; and twelvrf were returned last year. With a single exception, therefore, easilyexplained, there has been an uninterrupted advance } an<{ it becomes far more significant when-we tarn from the depu- ~ ties to the electors whom they represent. While 350,000 Socialist votes were given ' in 1874, the figures in 1877 were 485,000; an increase of aboufc^4o per cent. At first - sight, it excites surprise that .so large a body of voters sends to. Parliament only f-vCelve^epresenfatives^ - The reason is tlvfc {h-vi'--"-y 's widely scattered ovdr thi cm-"'™- -I-f AfnisS^.'V^sdMme for f£» rtpregentatt -P^f^mSs we^ es- , tabbed p^fgfny, there would be^m-' the Reic^taS A between thirty and forty Socialises— that is, they would occupy one-tetJth of the seats, and be at least as powcri>;l as the Progressists. ,(To le concluded in our next J