THE Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. Resurrexi. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1875.

Thames Star, Volume VII, Issue 2159, 4 December 1875, Page 2

THE Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. Resurrexi. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1875.

It is not often, happily, that we have to utter notes of warning, but from facts which have come to our knowledge we feel compelled to do so new. These facts are these—Sir George Grey as is well known has been asked to address a meeting to-night at the Theatre Eoyal; he has consented to do as Superintendent. That address of Sir George Grey's we in common with others look forward to with interest* for whatever be his political views there be no two opinions but that Sir George Grey as Superintendent has done his duty nobly for the Province. We hear, however, that an attempt will be made to take advantage of the enthusiasm which Sir George's speech as Superintendent is sure to give, to present a requisition to stand for the Thames district, and in the excitement of the moment carry a vote of confidence in Sir George as a tive. We write these few words to point out the mean and despicable attempt which we hear is to be made, and to put Sir George and others on their guard against such underhand proceedings. We mention Sir George's name for we feel sure as an upright man he will be the first to disavow a vote of confidence elicited by these means. -

Peehafs one of. the most noticeable features which mark the utterances and writings of the Opposition', great and small alike}-is ■ the profuse praise which they yield to the advocates of their own views and the obloquy which they would feign have us believe; ought to overwhelm all those who differ, with them in those matters which they assert are for the public good. Without giving one single reason, without deigning to offer one vestige of argument which might serve for proof to any unbiassed mind, they designate their party, and of course themselves, as men of the most comprehensive views, the most patriotic intentions, and the most incorruptible minds ; while their opponents are stigmatised as corrupt time-servers, place-hunters, and hangerson, anti whatsoever word presents itself first to the speaker's mouth or writer's pen wherewith to characterise what is mean, degraded and - contemptible. The words of adrice given by a writer well known to all are to the effect that when you have nothing to urge in your own defence the wisest plan is' to abuse tho opposite party, and thi« advice seems to be the rule which, guides the speeches now made by the Provincial party in what Mr Graham's address to Sir George Grey -calls the " present juncture of political affairs." Even Sir George Grey has given into ilti-ruifi adopted br his, subordinates,

while Mr O'Eorke goes a step beyond him and attempts to twist what looks very like an honest conviction of the wortblessness of Provincialism into political capital illustrative of the meanness of his foes. His case is this : certam^upe^nr? tendents whom Mr O'Eorke particu: larises, are anxious to see the ?s?&'* litiori Bill in force, • andi. theretore; Mr O'Eorke jumps at the conclusion that the " reins of power" shoujd. pas^, .frpm, .their hands into those of the Superintendents of Wellington" and Christchurch, because (we presume) they are unworthy to hold these said reins in that theydo not value the benefits of Provincialism at the same rate as does Mr O'Eorke. Strange arguing! Surely there is'some pleasure in having power, even though it be only to superintend one of the " smaller " provinces of Hawke's Bay or Taranaki; and if a man willingly gives up this power, is it not at least as just to assume that he is induced to do so on the grounds of public expediency as to rush to the conclusion that he is unfit to hold the " reins of power" because he is anxious to give them up? Looking at the other side of the question, the greater part of the opponents of the Abolition Bill are directly and pecuniarily interested (we except, Sir ■ George Grey whose- disinterestedness no one can "gainsay) in the maintenance of Provincialism, and is it not at least as fair to speculate whether the pride of place has not some weight with them, as it is to affirm that those who voluntarily give up their pride of place are unfit for the office they hold ? We canpointto Provincial Councillors—-we use the plural term—representing this district of the Thames, who spent both time and money and used every endeavour to get themselves elected to the office they hold, and who now would be glad to see the Abolition Bill in force, and if themselves members of the Assembly would support it heartily, and yet these men, if the argument of Mr O'Eorke's be 1 carried out, are members of an entirely corrupt and dishonest party—and therefore themselves dishonest and corrupt—because they act against their apparent advantages but in conformity with their honest convictions. . Sir George Grey at Auckland asserted that■■;the new form of Government which the General Assembly would set up changed freedom into servitude—into absolute servitude; but he did not say how. Under the clauses of the Abolition Bill the people of the colony will hare the power of sending to the House of Assembly what representatives they please, and with the men of their choice in the seats of power how can they be as Sir George Grey would have us believe we shall be "servant's ■to such persons as the Governor and his Ministers shall choose." It must be remembered the abolition of a useless encumbrance is one thing—slavish adherence to any Government another; and that though a member may conscientiously and in accordance with the wishes of his constituents support the one,' it by no means follows that he is bound to support the same party through wrong as well as right, neither is it to be expected that many will be found to do so. With an amount of tautology only excusable in a man who like Sir George Grey at Auckland has very little to say and plenty of time to say it in, Sir George informed his audience at the Choral Hall that they should not be treated as "slaves and serfs," but as " intelligent rational men." Now, what is there in the Abolition Bill which tends to treat them as the first, and does not treat them as the second? The people who make these assertions must remember that the onusprobaiidi rests with them, and can they point to a single clause in. the bill in question which can bear out the idea that it was the intention of its framers to fix one jot tighter on the backs of the people a heavier burden than that which they already labour under in the useless yoke of Provincialism ? In looking at Provincialism and Centralism men are too apt to regard accidental circumstances which can only exist but for a time. They of this Province especially see that in Provincialism for the present they have in their Superintendent one who i.s ever looking after their wants and endeavouring to advance their interests; and then, disregarding the main object in view, they reflect that the Abolition Bill sweeps away with its expenses and rates the services of Sir George Grey as Superintendent, and these services they are naturally loth to lose. They forget that having Sir George as a Superintendent does not make provincialism better per se, though it makes it more endurable, and that the abuses he exposes as Superintendent he could just as well expose as only an ordinary member of the House of Assembly;