Our Paris Letter.
(BY OUB OWN COBBESrONDENT.) Paris, August 24 Political. The Herzegovina question is regarded by France with, the most profound indifference. She will not expend a sous, nor scarcely a newspaper article on the " sick man"—who may now sink or swim, as his three Imperial medical attendants decree. The doctors are well known to differ respecting, not the malady, but the inheritance ; and if they fall out regarding the thumping legacy," the pleasure will not be a whit the less solid for the Gauls. Turkey, since years,lias "been doomed to death;" her present troubles will prove if she "be fated to die." The j French hold there is nothing to be gained by crufcehing up a moribund. In European Turkey, all is barren from Dan to Beersheba. France would follow with most interest the role of Russia, in this threatened breaking up of the Ottoman Empire. She never counts upon Austria, which, after all is. as Prince observed, not a nation, but a government. Then, on the Eastern question, Germany and Russia can never be agreed. The Danube is a purely German river. Some of the Paris papers unite strongly against Arminius, whom the Germans honored, the other day, as the type of Fatherland. The " type" is remarked as peculiar, but, of course, there is no accounting for tastes among nations as individualy. Brought up at the Court of Augustus, and loaded with favors, Arminius retained, amidst all the refinements, the energy and tenacity of a savage. True, he remained faithful to Germany and swore to avenge her. But how ? Not frankly or chivalrously, but by treason and falsehood. Friend of Varus, and an officer of Augustus, he drew his general into ambush, where the Roman legions were massacred without pity, in defiles where they could not defend themselves, and among strongholds prepared beforehand for their destruction. Arminius was a spy in the Roman army, betrayed the confidence reposed in him, and after freeing his country from the • legions of Varus, he sought to subjugate in turn his native land, but was killed by his own friends and family. The Prussians cannot menace the French for thus appreciating history. M. Gladstone, according to Chief Minister Buffet, has no right to complain of his work on the " Vatican Decrees " being refused the authorization of the Government stamp, which would allow it to be sold on the highway and hedges, because no formal demand had been made by him for the permission. To save him the trouble of hereafter doing so, he is told that the French Government could not grant the liberty. The volume can be sold atthe booksellers, but not hawked about. This is quite in accordance with the principles of the Cabinet, which does not advocate political or religious liberty —save like the Irishman's reciprocity— all on one side. It will be a happy day when French administrations keep aloof from polemical discussions, leaving all parties to enjoy a free fight. There is a tendency for the Orleanists to unite with the Republicans, to vote against the Bonapartist and Legitimist candidates for tbe honors of Senator and and Deputy. This alliance would be natural, patriotic, and in harmony with the spirit of tbe existing, tbough twentythird new constitution, since 1789. It would secure us peace till 1880, and five years is a respectable age for a Government in France. Tbe best political news is, that the Senate house, now in process of construction, will be ready by the 4th of .November —the date fixed for the remeetiag of the Assembly—and the commencement of official prayers in all the dioceses of France, for the safety, welfare, and honor of the Republic. The Councils General are Lilliputian Parliaments, of which each Department has one, and they ordinarily occupy themselves with local matters and expenditure. In their moments <pe,rdus, the Councillors represent so many caucus meetings, where the right men for the right place in the two Chambers are weighed in the balances. More than the moiety of these Councillors have elected Republican presidents, and where conspicuous business capacity greatly influences the choice. In the Upper Alps and Bordeaux, the Imperialist presidents have been defeated, and this is the most noteworthy occurrence of tbe present sitting of the Councils. The defeat at Bordeaux is important, and means that the " Republic is peace." Strange commentary on the famous " Empire is peace," and first uttered at Bordeaux. Indeed, the Bonapartists are not happy; every man's eye is upon t!;em, and there are patriots who would wish every man's hand to be against them. But this would not be fair; the Imperialists are Frenchmen, and have the right to live, move, and have their being so long as they obey the law. The wild writing in their journals does them apparently but little good, Jjut may act like.bitters on wavering parTijsans. Nothing, it has been said, so much the spirit calms as rum and true religion. Fuss has been made about the Bonapartist Church fete of the fifteenth instant. It was truly a very sorry affiair, and comprised only the old guard of the Second Empire. Then a demi-inondian has become conspicuous—what she requires for her metier—hy giving a supper in the neighborhood of Paris, where vivas were indulged in for " Napoleon IV," and some fireworks blazed forth in letters the same burning desire. Did not Phryne offer to rebuild the walls .of' Thebes if she were allowed to put up the inscription on the walls, "Alexander destroyed them,,but Phryne, the hetaira, rebuilt them ? " Besides the demi-monde was a peculiar creation" of the Second Empire, the substitute offered by a paternal government for the suppression of political and literary life, Republicans ought not to be seared at this. Bengal light, gratitude ; soiled doves will never bring back the Empire. As for officers being present at the carousal, ■ why "young fellows will be young fellows."
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Thames Star, Volume VII, Issue 2112, 11 October 1875, Page 3
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981Our Paris Letter. Thames Star, Volume VII, Issue 2112, 11 October 1875, Page 3
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