LABOR MEETING.

Temuka Leader, Issue 2572, 24 October 1893, Page 2

LABOR MEETING.

A monster meeting, under the auspices of the Temuka Branch of the Amalgamated Shearers and Laborers Union, was held on Saturday evening in the Volunteer Hall. The Hall was packed to the doors, the front seats being filled with ladies. This meetiug was under consideration for a long time. It was at first intended to hold it before last session, s) that Mr Kelly and others could have delivered addressos on their way to Parliament. Mr Kelly was uuable to attend then, and the meeting had to be ad joumed until last Saturday night. Mr J. Kelly, M.H.R., on the motion of Mr J. Mercier, took the chair," an.d said ha had much pleasure in doiDg so, considering this was the first p ilitica.l meeting held in Temuka since ladies had got the franchise, (Applanae).

The chairman then introduced speaker, Mrs Garmsou, from Christchurch, who pointed out that the Temuka meeting was not the first political meeting she had been at since the women had the franchise, for she held a meeting of women in Christchurch immediately after. There was a very large attendance of ladies, and the meeting was orderly, which could not be said of other political meetings attended by men. She hoped to see the women at the polling booths instructing the men how to keep order, and also recording their votes for genuine, honest Liberals. (Applause). Women would come united to the poll, and bring about great reforms in work and wages, returning such men as their worthy president, Mr Kelly, or Mr J. M. Twomey, thorough Liberals, who would fight for Liberalism, whereby women would be able to remain at home :n ease and comfort, and not eke out a miserable existence under a system of sweating and oppression. (Applause). She did not overlook the fact that women Were indebted to the men for this newly-acquired power and to the best Government in the world, the present Government of New Zealand. (Applause). With regard to the union she held a unique position, being the only lady shearer in the colony. (Laughter). She referred to the older countries for examples of oppression amongst the poor, and said we must fight against anything of the kind here. She was not a believer in narrow party politics, but in a broad Liberal policy. She had addressed a meeting of 10,000 men in Australia, and she had watched the workers well during the maritime strike. Women should stand shoulder to shoulder and fight for the rights of their fathers, husbands, and brothers, their children and themselves, and she defied anyone to hold up the finger of scorn against her. (Loud applause). People laughed at her when she joined the Shearers and Laborers Union, but she did so to influence other women to follow her, that they might fight iu the cause that concerned them just a 3 much as their husbands. Although a Roman Catholic she was a Socialist. Socialism was defined as (1) Doing our best for our fellow creatures, and looking upon each man and woman as a brother and sister; (2) State control of all things. Just now New Zealand was the most Socialistic little place in the world, and we were less proud of our Socialism because we did not know how Socialistic we really were. She referred in praise to the actions of the present Government carried out on the lines laid down by the late Mr Johu Ballance. They had acsisted the workers in every way to find employment, but they must expect to find die dissatisfied loafer everywhere. They were really Democratic and Socialistic, and she strongly advocated the State getting possession of all labor-saving machinery for the benefit of the people. (Applause). As machinery was now held the workers got very little of the benefit. While men were idle she thought the hours of labor should be shortened. This would not mean less pay, as the poor man then, although only earning 4s per day for 4 hours work instead of 8s for 8 hours work, would not be taxed to the last penny to support the men who under the present system are idle. She was in favor of bringing the hours of labor down to 2 hours if necessary if any men j were idle; for the idlers were decidedly a tax on the workers. Mr Wm. Hutchison, M.H.R., of Dunedin, who waß greeted with loud appla,use, said it was difficult for a stranger to know the precise point at which to approach a large and far-reaching question, such as the present political outlook. Every locality had its own special point of view. He might be unfortunate enough to say some things which would not be pleasant to some of his hearers, but he simply meant to speak the truth. They were all Liberals nowadays. He did not affect the title, since, like Tennyson's gentleman, "it had been defamed by every charlatan." He was simply a man of the people, and he held that the test of a man's Liberalism was the manner in which he was prepared to deal with the Labor Question. (Applause). Every question, every movement, was important to a certain extent, and should receive its share of attention, but the amelioration of the condition of the people (hear, hear), the infusion of sweetness and light in the homes and round the hearths of the people, was the great disideratum. He could shout with the poet " The people, Lord, the people, Not kings and thrones, but men."

(Applause). Let them look at the position, the small minority everywhere had been enjoying privileges and advantages denied by legal and social usages to the majority, and the majority for ages had bowed to the yoke, believing it to be a solemn duty and part of the scheme of Providence, just like the sunshine and the rain. The scheme of Providence ? As a matter of fact its teaching was quite the reverse, for if the rich man and poor man were exposed to the storm it had no respect for persons, beating as fiercely upon the head of the one as the other. A change was wanted, but the minority resisted the claims of the majority. They cried out that we, the Radicals, were setting class against class, but it was all the other way. He did not believe in class, he longed for the time when

"Man to man, the world o'er, Shall brothers be an' a' that." What did the cry of setting class against class mean ? This, " Don't say anything that will disturb the enjoyment or reflect on the gains of the rich," or, conversely, " Don't say anything that will cause the poor to think that their condition admits of improvement and that it should not continue as it is." In every civilized country at this moment there was a Sphinx sitting by the roadside propounding one or more problems, asking specially, Is it desirable that this state of things should continue ? Can we harmonise the condition of the thousands who work with their hands, so that they can live in comfort and amicable relations with the tens who employ them 1 Can the present ruinous competition be abated and yet freedom found for the development of jndiYidiial energy and enterprise, | Surely it was' our fluty'tq confront worn questions fairly and squarely in the face, and make up our minds as to the fitting answers and act accordingly. To help them in this duty he would ask their attention to some fbrief remarks on the subject. On what does the minority rely for the maintenance of its power? He answered unhesitatingly, on the unequal distributiqn of wealth, They had madj wealth their fetisli. 'Phe u'ijequaj' distribution of wealth was conducted qn sugty a gigantic scale as almost to baffle, description. He would impress it upon them with the aid of a few figures. Thoy learned, ou the authority of My Giffen, the chief statistician of Great Britain, that the wealth produced yearly in that country was estimated at £1,200,000,00Q, of whjch. sum less than one-third, or was paiS to the workers, leaving

those who do not work—to the capitalists and idlers. He was now speaking of millions of poundß, but the words and figures failed to convey any adequate impression of their import. To make the matter clearer, the workiug classes of Great Britain formed 97 per cent, of the population, and they got 41 per cent, of the earnings; the remaining 3 per cent, of the population get 59 per cent, of the earning-?. The same proportion held good in New Zealand. To simplify it yet more: Let them suppose 100 men employed in a joint enterprise (not on the co-operative system). Ninety-seve.i of the men work and three of them do nothing. When the work is finished the procueus to be divided amount to £IOO, of which sum, according to the present economic law of division, the 97 workers get £4l, or 8s s£d a piece, and the three idlers get £59, or £l9 13s 4d a piece. How did they like that ? (Loud applause.) Was it not abundantly clear on every principle of justice and right reasoning that labor was defrauded of its fair share of what it had most largely contributed to produce ? Mr Hutchison theu dealt with two of the maxims as set forth iu economic science: (1) " Buy iu the cheapest market and sell in the dearest." Diamond cut diamond —if everybody bought in the cheapest market, where would they find the dearest market to sell in? This runuing after cheapness was as characteristic of the poor as of the rich. let if they got a thing they supposed cheap it was either shoddy, cheap and nasty, or cheap because those who made it had been sweated. (Applause.) He advised them to give a fair price for all articles. (2) " Every man for himself and our ghostly foe take the hindmost." (Laughter.) Every man for himself was the rule of that cruel competition which was taking the light and life out of tens of thousands of our brethren. Iu New Zealand working people, taken as a whole, were not as badly off as in older countries, but the causes which produced abject poverty elsewhere were at work here, and unless these forces were fronted, fought against, and counteracted they would produce the same results here as in England, Scotland, and Ireland. (Applause.) Mr Hutchison then referred to the present condition of America as a case in point. They had been told again and again that every man could rise to a position of affluence if he pleased. Some men had risen to noble positions, because genius of all kinds and God-given devotion to any cause are subject to no common rule. Some few working men have grown rich, but never by earning wages. Professor Cairns, a leading light amongst our philosophers and political economists, says : " The margin for the possible improvement of the worker's lot is confined within narrow barriers, which cannot be passed, and the problem of their elevatiou is hopeless; as a body they will not rise at all. A few more energetic or more fortunate than the rest will from time to time escape, as they do now, from the ranks of their fellows to the higher ranks of industrial life, but the majority will remain substantially where they are. The remuneration of labor cannot rise above its present level." (Applause.) Mr Hutchison dealt at length with this question, and quoted the words of a friend showing the means whereby a poor man could become rich, but earning wages was not one of the ways of acquiring wealth. They did not care for men getting rich. What ■was wanted was competency for all—equality of status and equal consideration. Such was the general view of the position. Up to the advent of the present Parliament in New Zealand political economy was the rule. Since the Parliament met they had had a Government and a majority iu the House of Representatives who had declined the absolute rule of political economy. It was true that they had not diverged much from it, but the fact that, its maxims were discredited and despised —if they were not dead as Dagoon—should be enough to obtain for the present Government the liking and support of every man who cared for the welfare of the people. The Government had legislated to regulate trade and commerce, and had inaugurated the system of co-operative works. This was a most important departure, and he would like them to be convinced in their own minds that no reform —small or great—no enterprise, no line of business, should be arrested on the plea that the State ought not to do this or that. The State—the People—may do whatever its constituents are satisfied will be for the public benefit. State interference meant evolution j absence of State interference meant revolution. He did not know how they stood in this district with regard to the present election, but he knew that Mr Rhodes was a very rich and influential person, who believed in political economy to the fullest extent, in "every man for himself," and also in cheapness. He thought it was the duty of the electors to make a choice of » candidate at once if they had not already done bo. (Hear, hear). When they got their candidate they should go forward unitedly and vote for him, each man sinking differences of his own. The question was not what he or someone else liked, but what was best for the public interest, and for a Government that would do good to the people. The Hen. Mr Seddon knew he was coming to Temuka and he had requested him to state to the meeting : " I shall watch with interest the elections, and have no fear but that at the ballot box the electors will do justice to the Liberal party, who have carefully guarded their rights and helped to promote the prosperity and wellbeing of the people. Warn them not to be carried away by side issues, but to stand to general principles as the only safeguard to the commonwealth."

(Loud applause), Mr Hutchison then reviewed last session's work. The most important measure passed was the enfranchisement of women. (Applause). It was a noble event in the history not only of Nqw Zealand but of the whole world. New Zealand stood out as having done that which older countries were afraid to do Then they had now one man one vote, and one man one roll, aud a man who had property could not choose the district he would vote in just before the ejeoijon, T.hei} t? 18 shearer*--ft-d UQW gQt ple'ptqral rights (Ipud applause), and cmld vote for the man they believed would support their interests best, wherever their tents were pitched at the time of theelection. Maori women had also been placed on a level with their European sisters. (Loud applause and " Quite right.") The women had, now the ball at their feet, and, h,e w.ajs sure their votes would pr-omqie a purer, and freeer atrnosp'here, arqijnd political waters, and £ou4 tq bring c mime'reial prosperity and happiness, to the peoplg (Applause), He advised the ladies to put their names on the roll, and a]l t? YOtQ on " lo^ ou da ys. 1" o rfioii the Railway Commvy„j onors lie said as the Electoral &$ Wfta t] lo ' greatest triumph of the. session the Railway' BiU wa.s its g-reateatjfasoo. The Bill, &$ qenttp tho Legislative Council, provided far in a reappointment of the Railway Commissioners and tho appointment of a {outfit in the person of tho

[ Minister of Public Works, with a controlling power. He failed to see what valid objection to adding another Com- | misssioner to the Railway Board there could be. Personally he did not see the use of three Commissioners at all. They might as well have three Commissioners for the Post and Telegraph department. I The Commissioners had absolute free control over public expenditure such as was not given to any other person ; in the country. Last session Parliament had to vote £729,000 for the railways without having any explanation as to haw it was to be Bpent. This Bill, which consisted of 7 or 8 pages, came back from the Legislative Council with a mark like the " Russian censor's" brush across every page with the exception of the title, and a new clause added to the effect that the term of office of the three Commissioners be extended for one year. This was an insult to the Government and to Parliament, and the Government and their supporters declined to touch the thing, and there it lay. The Legislative Council thought they had done a nice thing, but they were in fact hoisted on their own petard. On the 15th January there will be no law for the Commissioners, and they must silently fold their tents and disappear—(loud applause)—and Mr Seddon will remain master of the situation. The Arbitration and Conciliation Bill also came bacic from the Legislative Council in a mutilated form. The Councillors approved of conciliation but not of compulsory arbitration. After briefly mentioning the Alcoholic Liquors Sale Bill and the Conspiracy Bill, Mr Hutchison dealt with the Land for Settlement Bill, a most important .one, which was also thrown out by the Legislative Council. He felt sure that they all believed that the great desire of the present Government was to settle people on the land—(hear, hear) —and to procure land to settle them on. He spoke with authority and knowledge when he said that the Government were at this moment maturing a plan whereby they not only intend to put people on the land but intend beside to help the people with money when they are on the land. Quietly and unobtrusively they passed through both Houses an Act which made postal notes for £1 aud £5 legal tender for any number of years that the Governor shall proclaim. They intend to give these notes on certain well-defined conditions to honest, industrious people who are settled on the land. (Applause). A Government trying to do this deserved their support. He understood that his friend Mr Twomey had been spoken of iu connection with the Pareora electorate. He was not there to advocate any political candidate's claims, but he might say that he thought ho was the first person in the colony to become acquainted to any extent with Mr Twomey, sjme eighteen years ago. If this was any test of character he could say that Mr Twomey had ever since been laboring diligently and doing good honest work in the country, and he had never known anything but was thorough and honest about him. After thanking those present for their attention to his remarks, he again urged his hearers to vote on broad Liberal principles and sat down amidst applause. Mr J. M. Twomey said that perhaps they recognised a similarity in the views given expression to by Mr Hutchison and those he had frequently addressed to them. This may be accounted for by the fact that he began his career as a newspaper man 18 years ago under Mr Hutchison, who then wa3 proprietor of a newspaper in the city of Wellington. It was a fact that no newspaper man had ever entered the New Zealand Parliament who was not on the side of the people with the exception of one who had been returned by this district. He had great pleasure in welcoming the ladies into their political life. They had more interest in politics than men, for it was they who had to struggle and contrive always at home, and he felt certain they would vote to make their own homes comfortable. There was no object more pitiable than a mother whose children were crying for bread when there was no bread to give them. The next was a father willing to work and no work to get. There must be something wrong in a social system which produced such results, and that something was monopoly. A monopoly of land was at the bottom of it all, and he would say to the mothers of New Zealand : Remember that your children are born heirs to the land of New Zealand by the very accident of birth. Vote for opening up the land so that your children may have some opportunity of making homes for themselves in the land of their birth. The cause of half the thriftlessness was that the young men had not anywhere to go to except the public house when they were out of employment. The r.siug generation was being rendered unfit for country life, or for making industrious cities by this, and it was madness to continue pushing the people into towns. The young women who wished to make happy homes for themselves would vote for opening "up the laud. They were now free, let them make use of it. Let them not allow themselves to be the slaves of prejudices, but vote according to their conscience, which was a monitor placed in fheirhreast to iell them rjglrt from wrqng. He was, not speaking fpr himself, and that meeting was not got up for his benefit. Let them vote for a thorough Liberal &- U p_ porter of the Governing mit? as Mr Hutchison, had told them, everyone in New Zealand was Liberal if they were to believe them. Some said they were Cobden and Blight Liberals, whifih meant the Liberals of 60 years, ago. They did not want dead Liberals; they wanted real, live, up-to-date Liberals, who recognised new wants as they arose, and legislated to suit altered circumstances. The old Liberals did not believe in molly-coddling legislation where the people were concerned, but they believed in it where cattle and sheep were concerned. They believed in seuding to England for a brace of horse doctors to cope with the bot fly; they believed in the State doctoring scabby sheep; they believed in mo\ly-c.Qddlin*g legislation whereya.y interest of property was concerned, but they believed in doing nothing for the pooiv except perhaps to dole charitable aid to them in homcojpatnie doses. That was the dilFeruiico between the old and new Liberals., Que. legislated exclusively in the imevest of property, the new to.ok the interests of t\\e p,qo,r. yifco, consideration aud legislated, for' man as well as, for bot fly horses, and, scabby sheep- There was another matter, the Conservatives were thinking of- giving two votes to men of property and only one vote for the poor. If they ever succeeded in carrying that they would lose their liberties. Thi° - i the most important qU £ .1 .nan ot the unions he would say he did not believe in strikes, except in the ballot box, and there they must strike for the land. Laud settlement produced two effects, it widened the (field of labor, while it decreased the number of wageearners. Supposing 100 men were settled on the land it meant building 100 now homed, while 100 men would be

takeu out of the labor market. Thus there would be more work and fewer men to do it. That was the way to settle the unemployed difficulty. He desired to say a word or two of a personal nature When the Hon J. McKenzie spoke at Ashburton in Juno last, he was asked to go up there to arrange for the election. It was there arranged that he (Mr Twomey) should stand for Rangitata, and Mr Sawle for Ashburton. Mr Sawle broke this compact, and without consulting an yon 3 announced himself for Rangitata. Sooner than split votes he (Mr Twomey) retired, and seeing about half-a-dozen candidates ready to come out for Pareora he announced himself for that seat, in the hope that the others would stand out until the proper time came. He told Sir Robert Stout he was ready to stand aside at any moment. He told Messrs Anstey and Scott, of Pareora, that he would stand out for MiBarclay if he supported the Government, or for Mr T. Ley unconditionally. He then waited the result of the Direct Veto movement He had favored temperance for over 20 years, but the Direct Veto people had prejudiced the electors against him, and selected a candidate who described himself as an Independent, icith a leaning towards Liberal measures. That was simply a Tory in disguise, and he refused to stand aside for him or for anyone who would not support the Government. Now why was he so determined in supporting the Govern ment 1 Simply because the tendency of the age was towards two extremes, the extreme of wealth and the extreme of poverty. The present Government had began at these two extremes. They were doiug all they could for the poor, while with the Graduated Tax they took a little from superfluous wealth, rhus they had began at the extremes, and aad greatly improved the condition of the iiard-working farmer and middle classes generally. That was the policy he believed in, and consequently he was determined to support the present Government to the last. He would move—" That this Meeting has full confidence in the present Government as the best for labor New Zealand has ever seen, and wishes to express special confidence in the Hon. W. P. Lteeves as one of the greatest benefactors jf labor who has ever held a seat in Parliament."

The Rev. Mr Dellow was granted permission to eay a few words in reference to Mr Twomey's remarks re the action of the Direct Veto Association. He was sorry the meeting had been misled. As the Vice-president of the Diret Veto Association he flatly denied that any attempt had been made to misrepresent Mr Twomey or to discredit him as a political candidate in any part of the electorate.

Mrs Garmson thought it a pity that little side issues had been brouught in. She was in thorough sympathy with temperance, as she had taken out a prohibition order against herself by abstaining trom liquor. Her husband did likewise, but further she did not want to go. To let the question interfere with their cause was to allow a political red herring to be drawn across the scent. In reference to the introduction of electoral rights for shearers she claimed that the Government were perfectly sincere in their endeavors to get the Bill through. Mr Rolleston had declared they were not, but she denied his assertion. There was a rumour that the shearers claims were to be left out, but the Government could not be frightened about the insertion of the clause, for they knew the workers and their wives would not vote for the Tories, but for those who would see their children got bread. The commercial travellers were granted votes because they were supposed to be an educated and intelligent class; now the shearers had them, and would know how to exercise them too. This brought her to the question of the rich and the poor. How many of them, there knew what it was to be poor ? She in her life had geen sights that would cause tears of blood to rain down from every eye. Her profession of & nnrse took her into strange places, and she had seen dreadful sights. This was why she was a socialist. She had seen barren rooms without the the commonest articles of furniture; children glad of potatoe peelings and of a drink of water dipped up with an empty jam tin picked out of the gutter. It was such sights that made them sympathise with the cry of the down trodden. Mr Twomey had said they wanted no dead man's Liberalism. She said yes they did. They wanted those who would follow out the lines laid down by the late Hon. J. Ballance, a noble and great man. The Government ought to try and follow in his steps, and it was for the people to say Waa the work of that noble man to be allowed to die ? Were the masses to be elevated or were they to allow others to luxuriate in wealth by the degradation of the people'/ Should they return such men as Rolleston ? He claimed that people should have freedom of thought, but his utterances were to be judged from his standpoint, which meant that the people would by the minority be overruled. Or rather, Would they return such men as their friend there Mr Twomey who had consistently advocated their claims ? Something ha 4 been said of class distinction. She wa.s an Irishwoman and when * ] \ e } e f t her eoimtry she was fully, impressed with her wrongs, W^; u sne lailded {our . teen ye^ s ago she cou i d not t> ut be o*uruek with the freedom and prosperity of the people. Matters were not so good now but they could be restored. Mr Twomey had said he disbelieved in strikes. Neither did she, but they formed a grand object lesssou. Under the present regulations they showed how they could strike through the ballot box. They need not strike hard, they could strike softly and gently by that means, and let people realize that it was a war of intellect and not blood. Iu reference to the motion, Mrs Garmson said said that the Hon. W. Reeves was the greatest power the workers ever had, and of | the other candidate nominated for Christchurcb Messrs Collins and S- -nd f or a were far the best. It w*; d not alwayß woll to send bloodj but wheu they Bent up Mr x womey all they had to do was to . i . koP P him up to the scratch. She cr\* icised previous remarks as to political economy, maintaining that the true meaning of eQQuomy was only known to working men's wives who had to apportion their husband's slender earnings. in this connection she cautioned them against the irruption of Chinese, " the yellow agony," as she termed them, who undersold European labour, and, also advised them t-> boycott the Asiatic traders, the Parsees, and so forth, the evils of which she emphasised by an account of » police raid i>n & Parsee lodging room in She advocated a poll , iftX 'it not less than £IOO on Chinese and Asiatics generally. By the rules of her society she was bound to recognise no nationalistic distinctions, but she liked the Chinese best in China. The speaker made a few remarks derogatory to Mr Eden George, as a candidate for Christchurch, and concluded her remarks amidst some little applause.

Mr Twomey's motion waa then put aud carried unanimously.

Mr J. W. Kelly before concluding the meeting said he had several matters to touch upon. Sir John Hall had spoken of a special class of people as largely contributing to the public revenue, but he (the speaker) would refer them back to the time when these people who possessed all the intelligence and contributed so largely to revenue had power, What did he find ? Why that these people availed themselves of their opportunity to acquire the land, and thiß was why people were leaving our shores in thousands, because they could not obtain a piece of land on which to settle. The present Government had been called upon to undo a great deal of the legislation passed by Sir John Hall'B class of people. The Liberal Government in consequence had been assailed on all sides by Mr Rolleston and members of the Opposition, who sought to misrepresent the Government by saying they were entirely against the farming interests. (Hear, hear). He said this, without fear of contradiction, that under the Property Tax a man's cattle, furuiture,and personal effects were all taxed. Under the new Land and Income Tax the farmer was better off. Not only improvements were exempt, but all money derived directly from land was free from the Income Tax. The farmer with £2OOO a year from land was in a better position than the tradesman with £2OOO a year, for the latter would pay a heavy Income Tax. Did that treatment of the farmer compare favorably with the treatment they had received from Mr Rolleston's friends ? (Applause). Could they point a finger to any Government that had held office which had attempted to do ; so much in the way of land settlement for the people as the present Government? No; the present Government had instituted a new system of land holding, giving every opportunity for the poorest man to take up a piece of land. Upon the proper settlement df the land depended a great deal of the practical solution of the labor question. This was the reason why Labor Members wore so unanimous in their support of the Government's land 'policy. Objection had been made to the cooperative works system, but how did it compare with the previous administration of giving relief work at 4s 6d per day 1 Under the old system, at the end of 2 or 3 months the worker was left in the same position as when he started. In some cases,where work on the piece-system was given, the foreman of works was ordered to see that the men did not earn more than 5s per day. Under the present system men were getting an honest day's pay for an honest day's work. All through the country the average day's wage under the co-operative system was 8s per day, and they were told that the Government was pandering to the working man. This was what working men could expect if Mr Rolleston's party returned to power : They would away with co-operative works and return to the old system. This might seem a small matter to some who had no need to take advantage of co-operative works, but if working men got fair wages tradesmen and the working classes generally, would benefit thereby. Mr Rolleston objected to the State doing anything for the people. "Paternal Legislation." the hon. gentleman called it, and was never tired of quoting such men as Bradlaugh, and others, Mr Kelly pointed out that snoh men were extreme individualists, and believed that what they were able to accomplish all other men should be able to accomplish. In finding work for the unemployed it was the £ a t y 0 f the Government to consi;i,, r the average man, and not the,individual. Speaking on union matters he said that the " : 97 per cent." who did all the' work received a very small share of the profits, and it was necessary that they should band together to keep up wages, for the " 3 per cent." were not satisfied, and would crush them down if they could. There was a need far avery worker joining the union otherwise a few would be obliged to constantly contribute their money in keeping up the wages of the many. It was their duty to join a labour organisation, not only for their own, but for their children's sake. In the days of old the guilds were much better-organised than the unions to-day; but the strength of the future (disguise it how we may) would lie not only in organisation but in seeing that their interests were fairly represented in the House of Representatives. (Loud applause). He had been asked " What grievance has the Shearers' Union got?" As far as ho knew the grievances were very few, the only serious one being bad accommodation. But this was only in the present—at some future time a grievance might arise, and then it would be settled in a reasonable manner. Experience had proved in the past that the stronger a Union becomes the less liability there is for strikes, and employers were not so prone to attempt to reduce wages or increase hours of labour. Besides, as unions got older their funds accumulated, aud the men were more conservative in their expenditure of money on strikes. A proposal was before the Shearers' Union to introduce a benefit section, and he (Mr Kelly) was at the present time negotiating with an Insura.llG© Society to get the very 10/west terms on which they will aocepMay, 1000 shearers into the benefit of a death and sick fund. This should bring great additions to their ranks. Before closing he would appeal to ladies and all to join themselves to the ranks of some labor organisation, and if they did not receive immediate benefit they would at least help to keep wages iip to their present standard; for there was a tendency throughout the Australasian colonies to reduce wage&, He was considered a Governm.eni sup- ' porter, and he appealed to them t>' a UQ consideration to allow their - nks ' to be divided at the *orth^ miii electiou> U \^ m J e one man (he hoped it would bo M-". Twomey ) an d vote for him atra"-^ i( . «( g u ited you stand, divided you fall." (Loud and prolonged applause). Mr Harte then moved —" That in the opinion of this meeting Mr Twomey is a fit and proper person to represent Pareora in the House of Representatives." The motion was seconded by Mr Mercier, and on a show of hands being taken was declared carried, only two hands being held up against it.

Mr Twomey, in thanking the m etiug, stated that he bad not stood thero as a candidate for election. Ho had the Liberal cause at heart, and was willing to sacrifice anything so as to keep the labour members together. A vote of thanks to the President and to the speakers was carried and appropriately responded to, aud the terminated with a cheer for the Government.

A bronze statue of Abraham Lincoln erected as a memorial to the Scottish American soldiers who fell iu the Americou civil war was unveiled in Edinburgh, Scotland, in the cemetery set apart for the burial of ScottishAmerican soldiers. The municipal authorities, many distingushed guests, and a detachment of Argyle and Sutherland Highlanders (Princess Louise's Regiment) were present,