APPEAL TO THE SCOT ABROAD.

Temuka Leader, Issue 2236, 4 August 1891, Page 3

APPEAL TO THE SCOT ABROAD.

We have been requested to publish the following;— 19, Princess Street, Edinburgh, May, 1891. Dear Sir,— ln appealing to our countrymen scattered all over the world for pecuniary aid to enable us to fight our battle for political freedom, it is only reasonable we should state facts to justify our appeal. They might say why should we be asked to contribute? Is Scotland not rich enough to hear her own burdens ? We admit that Scotland, according to her population, is a rich country, but the common people who have begun the great struggle for , National selfgovernment are poor. We have to fight a battle, not only with the richest country in the world, but with nearly all the nobility and well-to-do classes in Scotland arrayed against us. History in our case is only repeating itself. It is the old tale being retold how Scotland fought for and secured her National Independence and Religious Liberty. As a rule the common people are with us—the upper class are against us. Yet if this were our only difficulty we would not require to appeal to you. The two Political Parties in Scotland are so embittered towards one another, and are so full of mutual recrimination, that the still small voice of reason and commonsense is drowned in the clamor, and no assistance can be anticipated from either of them until a Scottish National Party is strong enough to hold the balance of power. The Liberal Party say that they accept our principles. They will not, however, say that Scotland is to have her Legislature and Executive restored to her in the same measure that has been offered to Ireland. . The reason for this exceptional treatment is that the English Liberals, who form the overwhelming majority of the Liberal Party in Great Britain, are at present in a minority in England, and can only attain and retain place and power through the aid of the Radicalism of Welshmen and the Liberalism of Scotsmen. The Irish Party played the part of Dictators—voting sometimes for the Conservative Party and sometimes for the Liberal Party; as the exigencies of the time demanded. On “the eve” of the General Election in 1885, the Irish Party issued a manifesto, denouncing the Liberal Party as “ the servile and cowardly and unprincipled herd that would break every pledge and violate every principle in obedience to the call of the Whip and the mandate of the caucus,” and calling upon all Irishmen “ to place no confidence in the Liberal or Radical Party, but to vote against the Liberal candidates. The Leader of the Liberal Party made an appeal to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland, to be returned to place and power with a majority independent of the combined Irish and Conservative Party. The appeal was in vain. Eighty-six Irish Nationalists were returned to Parliament. Then occurred the marvellous conversion of the Liberal Party to the Irish cause. Home-Rule was to be granted to Ireland, to get rid of the Irish Question and the Irish Vote. The English Liberal Party would then have perpetual dominion in the Government of the Country through the aid of the Scottish Vote and the Welsh Vote. The English Party overlooked the fact that the necessity for Horae Rule in Scotlad was as great as the demand for Home Rule in Ireland. Although not made in such a demonstrative form, yet at every representative o-athering of Scotsmen, where it has been put to the test, overwhelming majorities have emphatically endorsed the claim for National Self-Govern-ment. Some of the English leaders, however, declare that they cannot afford to lose “ the noble Liberalism of Scotland” by granting to her a National Legislative to manage her own domestic affairs, because they would thereby lose the votes of Scotish Members when dealing with the domestic affairs of England in her own Legislature, and, consequently the votes of Scotish Members are to be used to convert an English partisan minority into a majority. Nor is this'all. To many Englishmen, Scotland has;no|separate existence, , but as “ that part of England which

lies North of the Tweed.” England is Britain. All is English. It is the English Army—the English Navy—the English Government—the English people. Insidious attempts are made at every bye-election to foist Englishmen upon Scottish constituencies as their representatives. The attempt has proved successful in too many instances, and as might have been expected, Scottish grievances, financial social, and political, are tamely submitted to by the Representatives of Scotland, who, if they were true Scotsmen, would stand together like men for their country. Our Scottish Nationality is in danger of being extinguished, and our ancient Kingdom merged into the Northern Counties of England, We contend for equal rights all round. Let the Imperial Parliament devolve upon the four Nationalities which form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Legislative and Administraiive powers for the transaction of purely local matters, so that the domestic affairs of England will be managed according to English ideas, the domestic affairs of Scotland according to Scottish ideas, the domestic affairs of Ireland according to Irish ideas, and the domestic affairs of Wales according to Welsh ideas. The Imperial Parliament thus freed from all domestic legislation would not only be in a position to attend to the affairs of the Empire, but would be in a condition to invite the Colonies and Dependencies to send Representatives to share equally with all British subjects at home and abroad, in the privileges as well as the responsibilities of the Government of the British Empire. ' To arouse our people to a sense of their danger, and form a National Party independent of political bias, and strong enough to secure" our freedom, we must adopt a comprehensive plan of education, We must circulate literature, hold public meetings, deliver lectures, run candidates at bye-elections, and be prepared to contest every seat when a General Election comes on. All this takes money as well as ability. We lack greatly the former. We appeal to you with all the greater freedom as we have not a single office-bearer who receives a farthing of remuneration. All give their services gratis; they do more, for they have already put their hands deep into their own pockets and given to the cause of their country, many of them far out of proportion to their means. We have now a regular leader in the House of Commons and a growing party. At the last division in the House, on the 20th February, 1890, 141 Members voted for, as against 279 who voted against, Home Rule for Scotland. Bye-elections in Scotland are now telling in our favor, as all Gladstonian candidates who fail to support Home Rule for Scotland are rejected. We are, therefore, full of hope for the speedy triunph of our cause, alt hough the fight will be a stubborn, and may be a prolonged one. Scotsmen, do you love your native country ? We know you do! Are the name and fame of this nursery of brave men to be ! extinguished? Colonists, we have sent you strong men with strong brains, and they have {[made their mark wherever they have gone—can you do without them, will the world be richer or poorer by the extinction of Scottish nationality ? Brave people never survive their honor, and Scotland transformed into the Northern Counties of England would be a sorry sight. Yet there are statesmen who dare to work for such an ignoble end, and who would close our history, blot out our institutions, and leave us to the scorn and contempt of the world. G ! for the spirit of the brave heroes of old, who when remonstrating with the Pope for selling them to Edward, said—- “ While there are a hundred Scotsmen alive we will never submit to England.” We therefore confidently appeal to you for some pecuniary assistance to aid us in our great struggle to obtain Self-Government. Subscriptions can be sent either through the National Bank of Scotland, Edinburgh, or direct to the Hon. Treasurer, Willliam Mitchell, Esq., 79 Princess Street, Edinburgh. We are, Dear Sir, Your obedient Servants, John S. Blackie, F.R.S.E., Chairman of the Executive Committee, John Romans, J.P., C.C., Vice-Chairman of the General Committee. W. Mitchell, S.S.C., Honorary Treasurer. Thomas M’Naught,S.S.C., Honorary Colonial Secretary. Charles Waddie, Honorary Secretary.