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POLITICAL NOTES.

The Government allowed sums of money to lie idle without interest in the hands of the Bank of New Zealand as follows:—1888 £412,749 1889 525,367 1890 ... 587,832 Now let the reader mark this. Over half a million of money has been lying idle and without interest in the hands ot the Bank of New Zealand during the past three years. The people of this colony have had to pay interest on this money at the rate of over 4 per cent., taking everything into consideration, and here the Bank of New Zealand gets the use of it for nothing. The bank pays about two pence per acre taxes on its lands, and it gets the use of'this money for nothing. The fact is the life blood of the colony has been sucked to prop up the Bank of New Zealand. Is it any wonder Mr Hutchison accuses the Government of malpractices when he sees this money lying in the bank? What can he or any one else say but that it was allowed to remain there to help it?

In an interview with a reporter of the New Zealand Times Sir Harry Atkinson said:— "Policies are a curse to the country. What we want is careful legislation Mating to social subjects, such for instance as the Bills uow before the House, which were introduced at the request of the Maritime Council, that is the sort of legislation we want," we don't want fireworks or any heroic policy." Bravo, Sir Harry! The amount of cunning and duplicity underlying this short sentence must excite the admiration of all for Sir Harry's ingenuity. Eirsfe he says all " policies are a curse to the country." This is the most conservative idea that any man could give expression to. The meaning of conservatism is, literally speaking, " leave things as they are. Things are very well now. Don't meddle with them." 1 hat is exactly what Sir Harry means by saying that all " policies are a curse." That is, all attempts at progress or improvement are a curse. This of course suits the wealthy, who are doing very well and are satisfied. They want to let things as they are, and it was to secure there good opinion Sir Harry put this forth. But then he bethought himself of the trades unions. They, too, must be conciliated, and to do so he says the Bills relating to them ought to be passed. Was there ever a more cunning programme put out? Who can help admiring the ingenuity of the man who in one short sentence conciliates contending forces so beautifully. The middle classes who are weighed down by taxation are not taken into-consideration at all, because he knows the conservatives will talk them over, while the trade unions, of course, will secure the votes of the working men. If he can secure the support of the wealthy and the trades unions he will be at the top of the tree.

There is no man in New Zealand who has done more for tradesuuionism than Sir Harry Atkinson. He came into power determined to retrench, and with that object in view placed three civil servants in charge of the New Zealand railways with definite instructions to cut down expenses by boy labor, and also by compulsory insurance. It is all very well to say the commissioners are to blame. Who can doubt that Sir Harry Atkinson is the author of the compulsory insurance scheme ? Did he not stump the colony some eight or nine years ago to cram a similar system down the throats of the people generally. Compulsory insurance is his pet scheme, and he thought that he could cram it down the throat of the railway employes. Now, this, together with boy labor, made the employes combine together, with the result that not oaly are they masters of the railways, but also masters of the colony. Trades unionism was little heard of before, but mark what an impetus the combination of the railway employes has given to it, and what a power it has placed in its hands. Let the Maritime Council resort to "extreme measures" now and what happenß ? They call upon railway employes to refuse to handle the boycotted person's goods, as they did in the case of the Kaitangata coal mine. Only for the combination of the employes the Maritime Council would never have one-tenth of the power it has, and they owe it all to sir Harry Atkinson. It is pure unadulterated nonsense to biame the Commissioners. They were put in eharge with definite instructions as to what they were to do, and they have only been mere tools in the hands of the" Government. Let us therefore saddle the right horse, and that is Sir j Harry Atkinson.

Another beautiful move is this : Sir Harry placed oa the estimates £72,000 to increase the salaries of civil servants, and he said it was impossible to reduce expenditure further. The " skinflints " waited on hirn and told him he would have to take £50,000 off. He told fchem it was impossible, but that if it was the wish of the House he would try it. The House has carried a resolution in fayor or the £50,000 reduction, and now Sir Harry can say to the civil servants who expected a rise in the. salaries—- " Gentlemen you see I did my best for you. I put £72,000 on the estimates to raise your salaries, but the House refused to allow it, and

consequently I cannot do it." In all I probability the civil servants will; say i " Very well Sir Harry. Since that is the case there ia nothing left for us but to follow the example of the railway employes and form a tradesunion. Then we shall be able to dictate terms just as the railway employes did." Already the telegraphists are combining. We shall have the postoffice officials doing the same shortly, and then who shall govern. We are told the Bank of Mew Zealand has hitherto governed us, but unless we mistake not we shall henceforward be governed by tradesunionism. In Dunedin the other day a bank manager issued an invitation to preminent. citizens to meet for the purpose of concerting plans to crush tradesunionism. The secretary of the Maritime Council heard of it, and he at once issued instructions to all unionists to refuse to take the notes of the offending bank, and next day the proud arrogant banker was as meek as a mouse suing for mercy. If the working men refused the notes it would mean that they would crush the bank. The power of these labor organisations is at present marvellous, and we all ought to feel thankful that it is in the hands of extremely patient and prudent men. Labor has hitherto been kicked, and starved, and contended under the grasping, grinding, unfeeling heel of Capital. So far in the exercise of its great power Labor has not shown the slightest disposition to resort to the " wild justice of revenge." All its actions have been most prudent, most patient, and most conciliatory, and we hope it will alsrays continue so. One thing is certain: Tradesunionism will never do ha\f the mischief the Bank of New Zealand has done this colony.

On last Tuesday evening Mr Monk move*? that the first item of the estimates be reduced by £1 as an instruction to the Government to effect reductions to the amount of £50,000. Mr Ballance knew that this was the arrangement previously arrived at between the skinflints and the Government, and so as to spoil their little game he moved that the item be reduced by £5 as an instruction to have estimates reduced by the amount of the primage duty. Now, the amount of the primage duty is only a little over £50,000, and one would think that the difference between the two resolutions is no more than the difference which Dean Swift found between teedle-de-dum and teedle-de-dee, which is nothing at all. But the science of politics draws very fine distinctions. The most offensive thing said in the Pickwick Club was not regarded as offensive if said in a Pickwickean sense, and so with the Government, They made Mr Ballance's motion a "n© confidence" one, and voted for Mr Monk's motion, l'his is really delicious. It happened in this way: The skinflints had told the Premier he must retrench, and he told them to teat the House with Mr Monk's resolution, and if it was carried he would do so, but told them the Government would vote against them- Mr Ballance knew this, and brought forward his resolution which of course would have to be discussed first. The skinflints were struck with dismay. They did not want to vote for Mr Ballance and they could not vote against what was practically their own resolution. It. was an awkward fix, but they rose equal to it. They immediately warned the Government that if the Government party did not pledge itself to vote fpr Mr Monk's motion and carry it they would vote for Mr Ballance. There was nothing for it but to give in. If the skinflints voted for Mr Ballance the Government would have had to resign, so they were reduced to the humiliating position of having to vote for reducing their own estimates. No Government before has done such a thing. It is the most ridiculous position to which they could be reduced. They have had to eat the leak in large quantities, but it leaves them this loop hole : They catt throw the blame of not being able to increase salaries on the Opposition.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/TEML18900719.2.6

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Temuka Leader, Issue 2074, 19 July 1890, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,613

POLITICAL NOTES. Temuka Leader, Issue 2074, 19 July 1890, Page 2

POLITICAL NOTES. Temuka Leader, Issue 2074, 19 July 1890, Page 2

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