THE ELECTIONS.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1610, 21 July 1887, Page 2

THE ELECTIONS.

MB J. M. TWOMK7 AT TEMUKA

Mr J. M. Twomey addressed a meeting of electors in the Volunteoi Hall, Temuka, on Tuesday evening. The night was cold and unpleasant, but the hall was crowded. At half-past seven o'clock Mr K. F. Gray, Chairman of the Temuka Town Board, took the chair. Ho said they had met there at the invitation of their fellow townsman, Mr Twomey, for the purpose of hearing him on some of the leading questions of the day, but before Mr Twomey spoke he should like to say a few words. He thought they would all admit ih it they had arrived at a time when it hehove-t every m-m who had a vote—and o ung to the liberal laws of the colony in tins respect almost every mao h >d n vote, —should bestir himself. Thera was no

time in the history of New Zealand wheat, the affairs of the colony needed greater attention at their hands. He had no doubt that Mr Twomey and the other candidates who were to follow would explain to them how the colony got into its present embarrassed condition. He hoped they would listen to the various candidates and carefully consider what they said. It was no amusement that was before them. (Hear, hear). They all had to make a living in the colony. They could not run away from it. There were means m the colony if it were f airly guided to make it the finest country under the sun. After a few farther remarks he said that he had great pleasure in introducing Mr Twomey, and hoped those present would accord him a fair and impartial hearing. (Hear, hear, and great applause). PRELIMINARY. Mr Twomey, who was greeted with loud applause, said he wished to thank the Chairman for the kindly manner in which he had introduced him, and he hoped every candidate who might come before them would have a fair bearing. The poet said—- “ Give smiles to those who love you less, But keep your tears for me. Slightly altering this he (the speaker) said—

“ Give a hearing to tuoao who love you less, But keep your votes for me.” (Loud applause). As the evening was cold and wet, and donblless soma would be glad to get away, he would not detain them with explaining his reasons for coming forward as a candidate for the Glad- ~ atone seat, but would come to the point at once. A few days before Parliament met Major Atkinson addressed bis constituents at Hawera, and in the course of bis address said: “It is my business to tell you that the demands for retrenchment, if carried as far as the greatest reformers desire —and that would be to deprive the country of nearly all the conveniences now enjoyed-will hardly meet the case, and that there must probably be further taxation, and very much further taxation, if, as some contend, the charges now placed upon loan are to be met by the consolidated revenue.” It was time the! were done with paying interest out oiW; loan, for it was that which had pretty/ well ruined the Colony. Major Atkinson also said—“ What we have got to do is to levy a tariff which will giye us revenue ; that is our main and chief busines. But in levying that tariff there is no doubt that we can, in the future as we have done in the past—as I have done in, the past—so levy it as to encourage [ g industries. But I shall vote on tion not upon theory, but I shall cmsidec each item separately. Whether we have to levy 25 per cent,—and I myself j have put on 25 per cent, in some cases,U.6 ia others, and 5 in others—or whate-er it may bs, I shall consider each item ae* parately, and exercise the same liberty as I have exercised previously. How did Major Atkinson carry out this pledge'? He went to Wellington, and with the assistance of a number of people who called themselves Freetraders, while wearing coats on which a duty of J6£ per - cent had been paid, and his own followers turned the Minis* try out of office for bringing in a tariff similar to that lie advocated at Hawera. He hud not considered the putting of -this colony to the expense of a double session, which wae Variously estimated at from £25,000 to £39,000. That was the man who was now before the country appealing to be put back into power —a man who in his desire for power could not wait a few months until the general election came. His (the speaker’s) hearers might be sure he was no follower of Major Atkinson. It did not surprise him that Major Atkinson had no longer the confidence of hij own constituents as proved by his meeting last Friday evening. (Applause).

.RETRENCHMENT, The cry of retrenchment was an old one, but up to the present the Opposition had held a monopoly of it. .But when the Opposition got into office it had forgotten all about it. Sir George Grey used it before ho got into power, and Sir John Hall got into office on the s ime cxy« How did Sir John Hall retrench ? found many followers anxious to geo' portfolios, and as there were not enough for all ha appointed Commissioners to enquire into this thing and the other. He appointed, three or four Commissions, the members of which were going for months about the country, visiting the various towns with their private secretaries, like foreign potentates. In the end be took 10 per cunt, off the salaries of civil servants from the highest to the lowest—* from the country postmaster who was getting £5 a year to the man who was gelling £IOOO. Now it appeared to him that all the reductions made by Sir John Hall went into the pockets of his followers who were placed 00. the various Commissions, 0£ such retrenchment ha did not approve. It was in reality taking it from the poor and giving it to the rich, and tended to make the r'ch richer and the poor poorer. (Applause.) There was a great dispute going on now as to whether the present Government had effected any retrenchment. He had with, him a list of the savings which Government claimed to have effected. Government claimed to have saved £150,000, while the OppoaU said they had saved nothing. The first man who had spoken on the subject was Mr Rolleston, and the first thing he did was to refer his hearers to what Mr Montgomery had said in the House. It would taka too long to read all Mr Montgomery had said in the House. It would take to<f r long to read all Mr Montgomery hlu! said, and it would suffice for him (the speaker) to say that that gentlemen claimed that ;he whole of the Government’s savings were non-recurring votes. By this Mr Montgomery meant that certain votes accessary in one year might not be accessary the next—such for instance is the vote for the Colonial and Indian Exhibition held in ast year. That vote would not of con rue )o needed this year. After enumerating ill the items which he claimed came under he head of non-recurring votes Mr Montgomery found there was still a saving of 282,000. He said lave got a balance of probably t the end of the term, the supplemoo stunates have to be provided for. An hon/ . member said £IO,OOO would be sufficient, Mr Montgomery continued—“An onorable gentleman says ‘£lo,ooo.’ He oes not know very much about it. Vhy, the General Post Office has bean urnt down. We are surely not going to lii d that out of loan again. That will jst £15,000 or £20,000.” Now it ap-

peared to him (the speaks,) that certainly the item for the General Post Office must, be classed a non recurring vote. Post Offices were not going to bo burned down every day, and it showed animus on the part of Mr Montgomery, to attribute the burning of the Post Office to the extravageoce of the Government. After all Mr Montgomery had to admit saved £82,000. Lf/jfe (the Bpeake*) believed that if the truth were known, -He Government had effected a saving of tetween £85,000 and £90,000. j£ B ,rtt a saving were compared with previous Ministries had done the would be greatly in the ■■■r of the Government. He gathered what he had read. He had HPioeen within the charmed circle of the HSouse yet, and he, of course, had no means of knowing what took place there except the means they all had, that was by reading Hansard. Mr Holmes said in a recent speech that the Atkinson Ministry “ came into power in 1882, having then a surplus of £203,000. They increased the expenditure in one ■), next year by £47,C00, 1884 with a deficiency of ly came in with a surplus creased expenditure by years, and went out of the tune of £150,000. Ir Holmes said. It was and so he believed it to Mr Holmes said farmer in a i me way the Atkinson Ministry tried to make up the deficiency was as follows The hon. member for Egmont had done what the Treasurer has done— he miscalculated what the Customs revenue would bring in. And then the bon. gentlemen had allowed their friends the wool-growers—-the great squatting element, the gentlemeh so dear to their hearts, the men who go about the lobbies of this House influencing votes in their favor when the fate of a liberal and just Government is to bo decided—to carry their wool st low rates on the railways, and immediately that was done had increased the rates in order to impose on the farmers of Canterbury a tax which was to yield £100,000." He supposed they all remembered the grain tax, which was a tax on Canterbury farmers to the amount of £IOO.OOO. He

i had given them both views so that i they could judge whether the present | Government had affected retrenchment or L not. They had all now as good an opi portunity of judging as ho had. They " had saved at any rate £82,000, and as they were the first Ministry who had ' attempted it he considered they were deserving of more confidence than those > who had muddled the affairs of the colony [ into their present state. f . THE PUBLIC WORKS POLICY.

B The Public Works policy was con- ■ celved in a wise and generous g spirit, but corruption, greed and Bfevarice caused it to miscarry. fHear, Sir Julius Vogel in his speech, JPwhen first introducing the policy, said r that the money should be spent at the B rate of £1,000,000 a year, that the itnmiV grants must be settled on the land as they B arrived, and that the land must be made B to bear a considerable portion of the B burden, and in order to carry this out and ■ provide against political railways ho put B special provisions in the Bill. But the K squatting and landed interest proved too B strong and got these wise provisions taken out. Sir Edward Stafford, on B speaking of the scheme, said:—“l W would make provisions for settling these ■ immigrants throughout the length and I breadth of the country, especially upon ■ the arterial lines of communication which ' it is proposed to construct, and in order to do so I should be prepared to walk over the heads of the whole existing land laws of New Zealand. I firmly believe that if we are going to land a large number of people upon the shores of this . country without offering them facilities ft for settling in the interior, away from ft the sea-ports, we shall have nothing but a ■ hungry, discontented, semi-pauperised, H peripatetic, unsettled population. ’ The V words of Sir Edward Strfford were pro- ■ phetlc. Still that abominable institution, ■ “ the swag, ’’ was as flourishing as ever. Wr 'lt was a disgrace to their civilisation and they should all combine to put the people on the land and so do away with it. (Loud applause.) He would give them another quotation from a speech made by Mr Gillies in the same debate. Mr Gillies said : “ The honorable member for the Hutt was right in saying that the speculator would be in advance of them. Orders had gone from this city, since this | Bill had been placed in the bands of honorable members, to purchase lands ■ wherever the railway would pass I through.” They would see that beL fore the Bill had passed Parliament ft the speculator was abroad, and buyf ing up lands in every direction where ' it was proposed to build a railway. How was the scheme carried out 1 Applications for works pressed in on the Government. Instead of the £1,000,000 a year proposed more than £2,000,000 was spent. The people were put to make railways instead of being settled on the land, and no effort at lend settlement was made for some time afterwards. Now, here began the great trouble, and it was these people who were now screaming out for retrenchment and raising all sorts of aide issues, and crying: “Down with the Government,” “Down with Vogel,” and “Down with f Stout.” And why ! Because they had introduced the •KADUATED JROPEETY TAX.

That was the whole secret. It was not the Customs which had defeated the Government; it was the Graduated Property Tax and the Land Acquisition Bill. (Applause.) The present Government came in as a Land Tax Ministry, but found it impossible to carry a Land Tax. In 1885 they brought in the Property Assessment Bill. In it they proposed to exempt from the effect of the tax all agricultural implements and improvements to the value of £3OOO. Now the farmers would be told that these were their enemies—the very Government that had tried to remove taxation from their implements and improvements. The Bill was dashed back into their teeth by the Opposition, The object of Unit Bill was to relieve industry, and put the burden of taxntion on the shoulders of those who “ made hay when the sun shone.” Of course, this did not suit tho Atkinsonians, and the Bill was thrown back on the Ministry--and the cry was raised, " Keep the Ministry in and their measures out.” Now they had brought in a Graduated Propetty Tax. They did not propose to increase the tax on properties up to the value of £2500, but on all properties

above that value they proposed loincreas the Property Tax. by 3-16 tbs of a penn; in the £. Capitalists said that it wouli Lighten capital out of the country. Thi cry of frightening away capita was a bogey used before. Did the; think a tax of a penny in (he i would drive capital out of the countn if it «ere properly governed 1 No. H was satisfied it would not, and he believer that those people who made hay while th< sun shone should bear part of the border during the heat of the day. It was thes' men who wrra crying out now, because they did not want to pay taxes. In hi (the speakers) opinion taxes should have been put on long ago to pay for mauj things which were paid for out of loan, and if this had been done we would non have been better off. (Applause). They would recollect that the CONTINUOUS MINISTRY held office from 1870 till 1884 with the exception of the short time during which the Grey Government held office. During that time £26,000,000 or £28,000,000 were spent, and most of that went through the fingers of Major Alkinso". Now they heard «1! the blame thrown upon the present Ministry and Sir Julius Yogel. This was most un just. Sir Julius Yogel went Home in i 876 and remained there sill 1884. He was for eight years absent from the colony and during that time Major Atkinson borrowed and spent £14,000,000. It did not seem reasonable and fair to saddle Sir Julius Togel with all the blame. Sir Bobert Stout was five years out of Par’iament, Mr Billanco was out three years and Mr Larnach was out for five years, therefore he did not see how she present Government was to blame for the present muddle. The Atkinson party held powir all this time, and in 1877 Major Atkinson said the country wanted political rest. Sir George Grey said “ No, the country wants settlement,” and he introduced deferred payment, an extended franchise, Triennial Parliaments, Village Settlement, and other liberal measures, which he did not car y. Seeing the position of the Conservative party, Sir John Hall resigned his seat in the Upper Bouse, got to be Premier, passed Sir George Grey’s Bills and claimed that he was the great Liberal Loader. But let them recohoct that it was the Grand Old Man of New Zealand, Sir George Grey, who introduced these laws. Very little extension took place till 1886, when Sir Robcft Slout look office, and he passed the most liberal land laws ever passed in New Z 'lPand. By their means thousands of families bad been settled on the land and the cry of the unemployed which was before ringing from end to end of the colony was now almost hushed. (Applause.) Some people be believed said it did not matter what Ministry was in, but it did. It seemed to him the little the Ministry and party had done showed it mattered a very great deal. It is the fashion now to run down

THE PRESENT MINISTRY and to say, they have done little but when they considered this he thought it would be only fair to consider the circumstances under which they had worked. Mr Postlethwsite s ; 'id in that hall in 1884 that the Atkinson Ministry were a set of Yankee log-ro'lers. Mr Sutter also said on one occasion the Ministry were weak, and had to resort to log-rolling. Mr Sutton said, “ [ sold my seat, and there is the price of it,” pointing to some local works that were being carried, out and Mr Wakefield said, “They bought the Inangahua seat to prevent my being returned to Parliament.” Now, it a House like this that Sir Robert Stout attempted to form a Ministry, and ibey would remember themselves that for a whole month they were wrangling for who should be the Ministers, Sir Robert Stout first formed one, which was defeated, then Mr Thompson t : ied it next, Mr Ormond made an attempt, next St George Groy tried, and finally Mijor Atkinson formed the famous Ministry which included Mr Wakefield and lived just 35 hours. (Laughter.) At last feir Robert Stout formed another team, and it appears there

was nothing for it but to give these people a hair of the dog that bit them. The West Coast Railway had to be made, Di-trict Railways had to be purchased, and whether Ministers believed in it or not they had to do it. Now, when they c<me to blame the Ministry, let them remember tho'inaterials they had to work with, and if their work was not done in a workmanlike manner it appeared to him the tools were as much to blame as anything. The cry has always been, “Keep the Ministry in, and their measures ; out,” and if they had succeeded in ex(tracting a Bill like the Laud Act from such a House he thought they had done well, and if they had got better asefetants would have done better. (Hear, hear.) So far they would see that he recognised the Liberal party, and as he had bseo all f his life a Liberal, and would die one, - he ' hoped there was no doubt it was that party he should support if ho were elected to Parliament. (Applause). That is so long as they act straightly, but the very moment ho found trickery was being practised he should not follow them. (Applause). r.Awn sttTTT.mrtfNnv

Now as regards Mr Ballance in settling the people upon the land, the crime that he is charged with, appears to be of a threefold kind. First ho is said to have acted unconstitutionally in spending money for this purpose without the sanction of Parliament. Next Mr John London was employed to (ravel aboucand arrange for the working of the scheme. He did not know that gentleman, hot it did seen? to him to bo a very serious crime to pay ibis gentleman his expenses. The next charge was that the settlement scheme would prove a failure. New the very fact that 1000 families had gone upon these settlements, proved that the scheme was »t least worthy of a fair trial. Of Ibte they had been spending thousands of pounds yearly in giving work to the un. employed, and th.s money might in many cases be us well thrown into the'fiver. He would ask was it not better that these people should be employed digging out out their own living on these special settlements, than that the taxpayers should be supporting them out of their own pockets. It appeared to him (the speakei) it was, and therefore he found no groat fault with Mr Ballance for what he had done. In 1884 Major Atkinson spent £260,000 upon railway material without the sanction of Parliament. Mr John Ballance spent £150,000 without the authority of Parliament in providing aeainst the Russian war scare, and he (the speaker) asked what was said to Mr Ballance for this

10 unconstitutional action then! But bey cause ho bad spent a few thousand pounds d upon the special settlements without the s sanction of Parliament he had besn painted 11 as a monster and as something hideous y that should be avoided by the whole of S the colony. Now litre was (he paper out y of winch arose the whole of the discussion, e Number of sections allotted, 2216; nurn--1 ber taken up, 1186 ; advances made onaccount of buildinss, £1316 ; advances made i on account of bush felling, £950. That Was all the money that: had been spent 3 so far—£22oo. Liabilities on account of i hind taken up, £62,820. What has Mr 3 Ballanco done ? Ho has given them 7 sectiens from 50 up to .100 acres and has , told them to go on that land, cut down i the timber, and they would be paid r £2 10s per acre for clearing the land ; when they had cleared the land settle upon it, and then they would have to pay : reut to the extent of 5 per cent on its i capital value: Now he (the speaker) thought it was better to pay these men than to find work for the unemployed , in digging a drain through the Tetnuka Park, breaking stones near Christchurch, or sweeping the streets of Waimaie. (Loud applause.) lAND ACQUISITION. He dow came to the Land Acquisition Bill. In 1884, when be was before the electors of Gladstone before, ho said something like this; God made (he land and ho made man, and he gave man nothing to live on or by but the land. Reasonable beings must conclude therefore from this that God never intended that one man should hold a monopoly of the earth’s surface to the exclusion of the many. He had also said that ho disapproved entirely •f all proposals to burst up by taxation the large landholders. That was the great cry then, but he (the speaker) had said “the proper thing to do is to buy out estates as you require them for sottlement in an honest way, and the same end will be gained and nobody ruined.” That is what he said then, and that is what he said now. But he drew a distinction between individual owners and companies. Individual owners might have sons and daughters, | and at their death they divide the land ! among them, and thus it gets into small I holdings. But companies had neither sens nor daughters and they never did, and thus the land remained in largo blocks for oyer. Now the first people to touch would bo the companies, and then if required the largo landowners, but no one should be burst up. They should be bought out if the land was required. Upon these very lines the Land Acquisition Bill had been introduced into Parliament, and if ho were elected did they not think that he would vote for a bill such as was laid down by himsolf. (Applause). If they believed in the Government that had introduced it ' let them vote for that Government, or i never let them hoar any more about buret- 1 ing up the large estates. The Govern- ( merit bad introduced it, and had i appealed to them tosupport it, and I now was the time to do so, or i never let them hoar again about the i large estates. (Applause). So far he had i spoken to give them an idea of what he | understood about other things, because it i was often said he knew nothing about : anything except what some people termed < bis fad, the (

NATIONAL BANK. 1 The groat argument against the .National I Bank was that it was a paper money , scheme. That was the first cry, He now k undertook to prove two things. First, f that the present system is a dangerous . system of paper money, and the system . ho proposed could be worked without the •, assistance of paper money at all. He J wou d take the Inst return of the banks. f Ho found the liabilities of all the banks ® ia the colonies amounted to £11,784,149 ] 16s, and he found that all tho coin , they had was only £2,212,511 2s 7d, . so that _ their liabilities were , eleven millions and three-quarters, and , their means of paying it in coin only ' £2,000,000. It appeared to him that f looked very ranch like paper money. ■ Their assets were promissory notes of other 1 Banks, etc. Tho Bank of New Zealand 1 had the notes of the Bank of New South J Wales, and the Bank of New South Wales * those of tho Bank of New Zealand. They { have promissory note*, bills of exchange, 1 bills on discount, and half a million worth J of land. Now, supposing a rush ' came upon them, and they rushed J the'r clients, could they get gold for these 1 assets 1 No, they could not, unless £ foreign capitalists came into the country C and brought gold with them, but it np- ! peared to him that foreign capitalists . would not come into a country where , people rushed the Banks, and the Banks rushed the people. (Applause.) How 1 was it 1 It was all paper money. They | had never bad anything else and he was i afraid they would not have anything e'so , for a long time. He wished to show j them, however, how his system could be worked without paper money at all. He ; should propose that the National Bank I should first take the accounts of the Government and local bodies, insurance 1 business, savings banks, and public trustees’ accounts, and any other public accounts. This would make up an annual ( amount of from 6 to 8 millions, and that ] would all have to bo paid in gold. For ’ instance, his friend Mr Gray had to pay 1 a chtquo for, say, his property tax. H« ' would give a cheque upon the Bank of < New Zealand which would be lodged in 1 the National Bank, Tbo latter would de- i maud gold in payment of this and < as the Bank of New Zealand pro- ] fesses to pay in gold it would have to 1 pay that cheque in gold and in that way the whole of tbo revenue could be paid, and thus the whole < of tho money would go into tho National Bank in gold. They would probably remind him that he said that all the Banka had only £2,000,000 in gold. He know it, but that was no fault of his scheme—that was the fault of tho existing scheme. That showed its weakness, and the necessity that existed for his scheme. Although he said that it could be worked without the assistance of paper money at all he did not mean to say that he would exclude paper money from its operations. By no means. Paper money was tho money of convenience. It « as the money of civilisation, and would enter largely into the operations of the Bank, He would take from the existing institutions the right to issue paper mutiny, and would h”nd 'he exclusive right to the Na'iona! Bunk, He would now give them his authorities f >r doing so. Mr Gladstone Bi*id ‘‘ tho profit of bank-mfe issue belonged to the State, and what was more important than the , profit the responsibility belongs also to

- j.ho State.” In moving his Homo Rule 3 Bill fos Ireland, Mr Gladstone said ; • *' Ireland might think it fit to pass a law 1 providing for the extinction of private 3 issues of notes, and providing that do f bank-notes be issued in Ireland excepting k under tha authority, and for the advantage, ’ of the State. I own that it is my opinion • that Ireland would do an extremely • sensible thing if it passed such a measure. 1 It is my most strong and decided opinion 1 that we ought to have such a measure, I but the block of business has prevented • that and many other things, towards which 1 we are now going to open a clear way.” 1 When the debate was upon the Bill in the 1 Legislative Council they would remember a great many opposed it, but herd was what Mr C. J, 0. Stevens said : “ 1 am in entire concurrence’with the honorable gentleman as to its being the sovereign right of the state to issue notes and to take whatever profit can be got out of the note issue.” Sir Fredrick Whitaker said ; We had once in the colony, as has been observed, a State Bank of Issue. It prospered, too; it went on exceedingly well; it was a very useful institution : but, as I think, unfortunately the General Assembly in 1856 thought fit to abolish it. I was opposed to the abolition of that institution, and I have regretted its abolition ever since; for I thoroughly believe that if it had been allowed to continue in existence it would have been of the greatest possible use to the colony. But, in an ovil moment as I think, a gentleman whom wo all know very well took the view that the bank should be abolished, because he felt that it. was impossible, and be was told that it was impossible, for other banks to open branches here while this bank continued, and he was anxious, in order that money might be brought into the colony, that other banks should establish branches 1 here and bring money in. Therefore this this State Bank, which it was supposed interfered with other banks coming, was abolished. I said at the time that it was a mistake, and I still think so.” So you see the National Bank is not so foolish a thing after all. Sir Julius Yogel ( said i“ I think it is desirable to reserve as i a function of the State the monopoly of the issue of notes —not as legal tender; but I believe that such note-issue by the i Government, founded upon a proper basis < of bullion, is one which a country should reserve in its own hands when it has the i opportunity to do so. We have now gone i so far in giving rights to incorporated in- 1 stitutions that we have not the power to f do what we might have done in the be- I ginning, and Ido not think it is a matter ( of sufficient magnitude to justify at pre- i sent, or probably for many years to come, t the State making an endeavor to secure < the monopoly for itself. Bat the purchase i of these rights is a contingency that, s sooner or later, will have to be faced; 1 Sir Robert Stout said, “ I believe it is the j duty—the function even—of the State to control it currency, and that the State, has the right to be the sole issuer of paper , money. I believe the State has the right, , if it pleases, to stop the issue of bank- , notes, and has the right to issue all the ‘ paper money to be circulated if it likes . and if it is profitable to do so. The main advantage, would be that the amount , of paper in circulation would be . equivalent to a loan of that amount . to the State without interest—a loan . from the people to the Government.” 1 Now talk about retrenchment when Sir Robert Stout, the Premier of the * colony, says it would bo equivalent to a 8 loan of a million a year from the people T to the Government. He thought now . they ought to be satisfied that the , National Bank scheme was not so foolish a thing after nil. If it were some of the ? greatest and wisest men in the world were as great fools as be was. (Laughter). e He wished now to point out to them what 8 “note issue” meant. It did not mean T the number of notes the bank printed, but it meant the number of notes they n (the public) carried about in their pockets 0 or kept in their safes for the purpose of ®, business. That was the meaning of note 1 issue. Now if that note issue was based ® upon bullion the note issue would be ' always in proportion to the demands of , the business of the people. If the busi- , nesa was large the note issue would be large, and if the business was small the ® note issue would be small in proportion. Therefore there would bo no fear of the v notes accumulating in a man’s safe for n they would be taken into the bank as soon ® as one banked his money. There was no danger of this note issue depreciating in ® value except in case of the banks refusing 1 to take them. If the merchant found out ? that the banks refused to take them tbs merchant as a matter of course would not take them. But whan the ® power to issue paper money was taken 8 away from the present banks they would ® bo glad to get the National Bunk notes 1 for “ till money." The notes would also ® be useful to them to pay the £7,000,000 , he bad told them of, and they could pay ® the Government back in their own coin. They would thus bo of service, and would 1 always flow at par. CHEAP MONET.

He had said he would take certain accounts into the bank such as the public accounts. In addition to these be would take into the Bink the account* of farmers, and he would be ready to advance to farmers to the extent of 2-3rds of the Property Tax valuation ot their land, because the margin of l-3rd would secure the Qovernment against all danger ot loss. This loan he would not make a permanent one, but he would give it upon the overdraft principle. They would thus not have to pay interest on the loan while there was moaey lying to their credit at the Bank. That would be a great advantage to them, and if they got money at 4or 5 .per cent., as the National Bank could easily give them it, it would be of groat use to the former, and therefore to the colony, for ho would urge upon them not to forget that all their dependence was upon the farmer, and if the farmers were not prosperous the other members of the community never could be. All prosperity came from Mother Earth, and the farmer was the man that dug that prosperity from the earth. It was, therefore, our duty to promo # in all possible ways the interest of the farmers, and he hoped they would not forget this at the forthcoming election, for, he would repeat, unless the farmers were prosperous the colony at large could never be." He bad intended to speak to them upon some other subjects, but he was afraid he should weary them, so he would now express lus willingness to atfswer any questions they might wish to put to him. (Grioa of “Go on,” and “ Tell us what you are going to do.”

EDUCATION.

Well, then with regard to Catholic claims. He should not initiate or

3 introduce any measure upon that point a until he sought re election, but if another I member brought in a measure of which he , could conciontioiuly approve he would i reserve to himself the right to vote as ho r thought propsr. (Loud applause). As , regards education, he believed in Free i Education, because he believed the people , paid so much through the Customs, that 1 they bad a right to Free Education as a i quid pro quo. It might be too expensive, 1 and it migtit be desirable to take off some 1 of its ornamentation, but he would not 1 touch one corner stose «f it and he should i do nothing to mar its effectiveness as regards giving instruction to the youth of this colony. They would see then that he was in favor of Free Primary Education. As regards Higher Education all knew his views upon that subject he thought. About £90,000 was spent upon Higher Education in this colony annually. This sum was distributed between Directors and Boards of Governors of the High Schools and colleges in the colony. Every child had the opportunity of attending these schools, but their parents must be prepared to pay fess, and every poor man could not afford that. How could a poor man pay for the board of bis child in Timaru or Christchurch and pay school fees besides 1 Now it appeared to him that these things debarred the children of the poor from taking part in this system of education. (Applause.) He would sot aside a portion, if not all of this vast sura that had been voted over to the colleges, divide it into say £SO scholarships, or whatever were found to answer the purpose best. These scholarships should be won by examinations, and every child that gained a scholarship should be educated free at, these high schools. By that means they would educate the intelligence of the country, and it was the intelligence of the country they wanted to educate. They wanted intel-1 ligent men for barristers, judges, resident magistrates, legislators, etc., and all should have an equal opportunity of rising to those levels, and the best means they cou'd put Into the hands of the poor to rise would be free education upon the principle he had laid down. He would be in favor of the establishment of District High Schools so as to make secondary education more acceseib’e to these intelligent children, buthecertainly should not set any part of this vole aside for the purpose of educating the children of the rich. If the children of the rich won scholarships they would have just as good a chance of education as the children of the poor, but if the children of the rich did not win scholarships and their parents desired them lo have higher education they could afford to pay for them. (Loud applause.) IEOISLATITB COUNCIL. With regard to the Legislative Council. It had been a long time threatened, and threatened men were said to live the longest. But they were thinking now of cutting down thoir honorariums. He thought this was quite proper, for the very reason that although this Council had professedly been appointed for the purpose of revising hasty legisla- i tion, yet the object really was to serve i the interest of the rich. He thought that 1 was the cause why the Council was corn- ; posed almost exclusively of rich men, ( and be thought the time had arrived when these rich people should look after ■ their own interests without being paid for ( it. (Applaure.) He could tell his ( hearers that (he present system did not j satisfy him. He had said it professed to , be a Revising House, but what con'd be , expected from a body of men who blocked , any legislation that tended to interfere , with the interests of the rich ? (Applause.) I Let them put into tbis'House the cleverest I men of the country. Let them put in two J or three clever lawyers, two or three 1 clever farmers and squatters, and two or f three members representing the various 1 commercial interests in the colony, A 1 House composed like that would be able to revise intelligently and capably any hasty legislation, and would be ( far better than the old fogies who f constituted it at present; (Applause.) ( He thought now that they would be j wearied if he asked them to listen to him < much longer. He thanked them very ; much for the very handsome hearing 1 they had given him. When he bad de- ( cided to stand for election he had been 1 told not to begin at Temulca, as he would 1 not gat a hearing there ; he had better ' begin at Pleasant Point. To that he had j said no; if he was not fit to face the people of Temuks he was not fit to repre- J sent them. He would give Temuka a chance to hear him, and they had heard j him, and from the good feeling and ( enthusiasm displayed that night he took ; it ns an omen that they would _ also give him their votes on the polling day. Mr Twomey then sat down amid continued applause. QUESTIONS. j The Chairman then earae forward and said the candidate would be willing to answer any questions they might wish to ask.

Mr 0. P. McOallum : If we return you to Par’iament as our member, would you pledge us to be in favor of Bible reading daily in our public schools? Mr Twomey said he had no objection to the Bible being read daily in the public schools, so long as it was provided that no child’s conscience should be violated and the interests of Secular Education not interfered with. With these restrictions be would be in favor of the Bible being introduced into the public schools. Mr GK Levens : IE you were to meet the editor of the Timaru Evening Mail on a dark night in a lonely place, what would you do with him? —Mr Twomey ; I would say to him, “ What will you have to drink ?” (Loud applause, and a voice: “That’s the way to treat him.”) Mr Ashwidl, sen.: When are we to be favored with Mr Twomey’s yiows on Protection ?—Mr Twomey ; I have written 14 columns dealing with the subject, and part of this has already been published m my paper. With the next issue it will nil be published, and every elector cm obtain a copy. He had no objection to speak for hours en the subject, the only reason for bis not doing so being his desire not to detain them. In all probability he would address them again shortly, and he would then then tell them what he thought on the subject. Meanwhile ho hoped they would all read wlut he had published, for it was a very important meter indeed, (Hear, hear.) Mr A. Franks: Would Mr Twomey favor an income tax, and a tax on unimproved estates, instead of a property tax ?—Mr Twomey said he could not. The property

(nx had boon adopted by the country, an J to change the mode of taxation now would involve a good deal of expense. This was Sir Robert Stout’s opinion. If he (the speaker) had his way the measure introduced by the present Government in 1885 would have his support, that was, to exempt agricultural implement*, and improvements to the value of £3OOO from the Property tax. If this were done the burden would be lifted from the shoulders of the workers and put on those of the monopol'sts and money rings. Mr Goodey; Would Mr Twomey be in favor of putting a poll tax on Kafirs ? Mr Twomey said most undoubtedly ho would. He would certainly protect the country from their introduction.

Mr Goodey: Would Mr Twomey bo in favor of doing away with cumulative voting in the election of School Committees, Town Boards, and Road Boards ?—Mr Twomey said with regard to the electoin of School Cotmnilfcees ho was decidly in favor of abolishing the system, but as regards the Town and Road Boards ha was not prepared to say that he would go to that extent. He thought the present system worked very well. He had never heard any complaint about it. This affected direct taxation, and he thought those who contributed most should haye the greatest say as to how the money was to be spent. Mr Goodey : Would Mr Twomey be in favor of altering the Marriage Act so that if any married persons were convicted of a grave offence and sentenced to a long term of imprisonment, or were confined in a Lunatic Asylum, it should be a just cause for a dissolution of the marriage vows entirely ? —Mr Twomey said he held the marriage vows es very sacred, and it appeared to him they were brittle enough at present for it did not take much to break them. If good reason were shown him he would consider it, but he did not think the marriage tie should be broken easily. (Applaus 0 .) Mr Goodey said there were some very large education reserves in the district on which there was plenty of bush, niggerheads, and swamps. Would Mr Twomey be in favor of having these reserves cleared and drained and roads made through them, so that the farmers and working men could ho settled on them ? Mr Twomey said in discussing the question of education ho expressed himself in favor of taking these reserves out of the hands af the SchoollCommissioness and putting them in other hands. Of course he would be in favor of getting all lands under cultivation. They expended £12,000,000 per year in London, and to meet this only produced to the value of J 6,000,000, It was necessary for them to do more. Anything that would promote settlement and cultivation, he would be in favor of. Mr Bolton, who was greeted with loud cries and uproar, asked which Bible Mr Twomey would be in favor of reading in the public schools. If they took the Protestant Bible would it not intensify the dislike of the Catholics to enter their schools ? Then, who was to read it ? If he thought the present system wrong, did not Mr Twomey think it his duty to remedy it ?—Mr Twomey said Mr Bolton found fault with what he had said, and asked which Bible be would be in favor of having read. Wherever there were large oentres of population the Catholics did not use the public schools, having schools of their own, and it seemed to him wherever the majority of householders or parents in a school district where Catholics did not attend ihe schools, desired to have the Bible read, it was only absurd to raise that cry. (Hear, bear). He was only sorry now that these leotarian differences should be opened up. [f they thought less and spoke less if these subjects they would draw closer ogether and live more happily. (Loud ipplause). He of course recognised that the juestion had been put to him in a rather nimical form. They knew the Catholics did lot desire their Bible read in (he schools. They had a different way of teaching the Bible lessons. They used a Catechism, as bey did not think the children could properly inderstand the Bible. With regard to the juestion as to whether be would allow an njustice to be perpetuated, he would say that ibler men than himself had been putting forth ifforts in that direction for 10 years without ivail, and he could not expect to do much. Is his desire was to do some good for the counry he thought it would be a mistake for him o burden himself with the question which Mr Bolton had asked about. He had said ho vould not introduce a measure dealing with übjeot, but if anyone else did so he would mte in accordance with his promise. (Apilause). He would stick to what he had aid. He had never been a renegade, and a enogade he never would be. Mr J, Brown asked—(l) What is your ipinionof the present Government appointing 0 many members to Ihe Legislative Council ? 2) Would he be in favor of all licensing icing done by the vote of the people instead if Licensing Comittees? and (3) Was he ;oing with Sir R. Stout in giving to Welington £ISOO a year for seven years for stablishing a new college ?—Mr Twomey said vith regard to the first question, of course vhen he was in favor of seeing the Council is at present constituted abolished, he could lot be in favor of it, but they mast remember hat parties always put men in the Council to mable them to carry their measures through ,hat Chamber. For years the Continuous Ministry had been crowding the Council with iheir friends, and when the present Ministry iame in they were compelled to put in Liberals to counteract the other party, is regarded the temperance question, he would say he’ would follow Sir Robt. Stout’s end with reference to the matter. As regards ;he third qaestion, he was not with Sir Robt. stout with reference to the vote to the WelIngton College. He believed the education juestion was the only one on which he iiffered from Sir Robeit Stout. Who will you follow if Sir Robert Stout is act elected ? and Would Mr Twomey advance money to farmers on the security of live stock if a Slate Bunk were started P —Mr Twomey said if Sir Robt. Stout were not. elected he would follow the next best man. (A voice: Not Major Atkinson or Sir John Hall.) No, he would not follow MajoAtkinson. As to Sir John Hall, h« did not 1 \e bis traditions, and would not like to bear the Hall mark. (Applause). As to the second question, he did not expect to be manager of the State Bank, but if he were he would not make advances on live stock. Ho should want som. thing more substantial. The State Bank should make advances only on real estate.

If elected, would Mr Twomey be in favor of a iVmers’ Tenant Eight Act F Mr Twomey said it depended upon what right the tenants wonted before be could tell them if he was in favor of it or not. Of course any necessary right and privilege to be given in favor of the tenant he would be in favor of.

Are you in favor of female suffrage P—Mr Twomey ; No. He was not very much in love with that measure, although it was a very l.beral and democratic one, but be was afraid it would lead todom »tic dissension. Besides, the wives and daughters of the rich would take care to register their votes, while the wives and daughters of the poor would not do so, and thus it would be pulling poWar into the hands of the rich. Therefore he could not see his way clear to vote for the measure at present. Longfellow placed woman as “Bitting beside the fireside of the affections,” aud he (Mr Twomey) thought tl e fireside of the affections never glowed so warmly as when the flame had been kindled by a woman.

»j If elected wouli you be in favor of a re- • dilations m the honorariums of M.H.E.g • and salaries of the Ministers? —Mr Twomey : No, I shall not. If the i honorarium were done away with i there would be a song of joy among the monopolists from Auckland to the Bluff. ! They would then know that no poor man could get into Parliament. Victoria paid its memb’rs£3oo per year and Few South Wal s paid them nothing. Victoria was prosperous and New South Wales was depressed. He would be in favor of so legislating as to allow of a poor man going into Parliament. If that oppo tunity were taken away they would never have representatives in Parliament but rich men. The most democratic way was to pay members, and he thought it was a very good way too. He did not think, if elected, he should be able to make much out of the honorarium by the time all his contingent expenses were paid. With regard to the salaries of Ministers, they appeared to have great expenses, and possibly the salary was not too much. At least Mr Rolleston told him no than ever made any money out of it» He (Mr Twomey) thought the expenses they were allowed were rather excessive, and he should be inclined to curtail Hu m. (Oheers). Another thing was, he certainly was not in favor of paying two honorariums in one year, even if two sessions were hell. If members voted for two sessions let them not get double pay, and in all probability there would be fewer double sessions if chat were done. (Loud applause). Mr G. Levens asked, “If elected to Par-’ liament would you consent to part your Pair on one side instead of in the centre as at prosent P (Load laughter,)—Mr Twomey said if a Bill was brought in ou that subject ho should certainly oppose it. (Laughter.) Mr Brown asked: In what items would you favor retrenchment if not upon the expenses of the House ?—Mr Twomey :la his address to the electors of Lseston, Sir John Hall said it was impossible for him to say upon what items he would retrench because he bad not data before him, and when Sir John Hall, who had been in the House so long, and had oooupied the position of Premier, oonid not say, he (Mr Twomey) did not think they coaid expect, him to lay before them the whole system of retrenchment. He had told them he would be in favor of the abolition of honorariums of the Upper House. The prase it Government had abolished pemions, but in what items he would be in favor of retrenchment he did not know for the very reason that he had not data-not sufficient knowledge upon the subject to go on, He uid not wish it to go form that he had made foolish statements upon the subject. If he was put into the House he should m ke it a special study, and wherever it was possible to retrench without impairing the Government >t the colony he ehould vote for it. It was impossible for a man in his position to enumerate the items on which he would retrench, as ho would lay himself open to a good deal of ridicule. Mr A. G. Wright: If elected would you bo in favor of doing away with free railway pastes to members when Padiament was out of session,—Mr Twomey: Yes. V .TE OF THANKS AND CONFIDENCE. Mr Soanmli then came forward and said ho had great pleasure in proposing a vote of thanks to Mr Twomey for his address and the manner in which he had answered the questions pat. Ha also proposed a vote of ooi,fi fence in Mr Twomey as a fit and proper person to rspiesent the .electors of Gladstone m the House of Representatives. Mr H. F. H»rte said he had much pleasure in seconding the proposition. Mr Aihweli, senr., then came upon the platform and said he wished to move an amendment that a* they were without the views of Mr Twomey upon the great questions of Froetrado and Protection and as they did not all lead the Tbmuka Leader and that quta .ion had been pub off-[Here the speaker was iate/rupttd with loud cries and howls, the audience being determined apparently to prevent his speaking,J The Chairman rose and said that as Mr Ashwell had come forward to propose this amendment, it would be only fair to allow him a hearing, and give him a chance to move it, and then they could' vote upon the question ai they desired to do. He thought i!, was only right that any person should bo allowed to speak. Mr Twomey also rose and asked those present to allow Mr Ash well to speak, Mr Ash well then thanked (he candidate for the speech he had given them that, evening and said that while concurring in much that had been said and the soundness of the speaker’s views upon many points, ho wished to move as an amendment, that the candidate be accorded a vote of thanks only, until such time as they heard his views upon the questions of Freetrade and Protection. Mr Twomey asked the meeting if they were ready for bis views upon those questions then, because if they were he was quite willing to give thsm. As, however, the aieht was such a miserable one and many of them had got wet coming to the Hall, he did not think it advisable to keep them sluing in the cold so long, (Cries of Ohf wo know your views, Nsver mind, etc.”) Mr T-tomey said he had laid his views before them as clearly as possible in the columns of the Temoka Leader and with the next issue he would publish a aupplemeut that he bad printed upon those burning questions. Toe supplement contained fourteen columns of solid, reading matter. He hoped they would read it and think upon it. He had shirked nothing. They all knew that he was the wrong man to shirk anything that was of importance to the electors, (Hear, hear, and applause). He hoped that the supplement he had published would be quite enough to satisfy them, but if any person wanted more he would be quite willing to give it to him. If Mr Ash well wished to go into the subject further the columns of the Tehuza Leader were open to him and he (Mr Twomej) would reply. The Chairman asked would anybody second Mr Ashwell’* amendment. (Loud cries of No, no, and uproar.) At last Mr J, F.ndlay Cißue forward and said he had much pleasure in seconding Mr Ash well's amendment. He took the Tkmttka Leader and he might say he had not read one word cl Mr Twomey’s articles on the subject. He should also like to hear some of tae other candidates on the questions of the day before they passed a vote of ooufifence in Mr Twomey. (Hear, hear,) The Chairman then pan the amendment, namely—“ That Mr Twomey receive a vote tbaaks for his address,” Only twenty three hand* were held up for it and the original proposition was then put and carried by an overwhelming majority. (Loud and continued applause.) Mr Twomey then thanked those present for the bearing they had given him. He was extremely sorry he had nob spoken upon Fieetrada and Protection. The reason wa« as he had before s*a ed that he did not liko to keep them there in the cold and: wet tus long. He would probably, however, take another opportunity of addressing them, and then he would speak of it, but at any rata they would hear about it from him. He was extremely thankful to them for their expression of confidence in him aud he hoped that before long, he should be returning thanks to thsm for electing him as their representative. (L ,ud oheara). Mr Twent y then proposed a vote of thanks to the Ouairn.au which was carried by acclamation. The meeting, which was one of the largts, and most enthusiastic ever held in Temuka. then terminated *'