THE GERMAN ARMY BILL.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1550, 8 February 1887, Page 4

THE GERMAN ARMY BILL.

Despatches from Berlin, dated Janu-ty lltbi say the Reichstag was crowded on that day, the occasion being the calling up of the Government Milit. ry: i Bill in its amended form for second reading. The President of the Chamber read the Committee’s report on the Bill. The Committee said it was not authorised to advocate proposals in connection with the measure, because none of them had obtained the sanction of the majority of the Commit 1 -oe.

General Von M.Take opened the debate in favor of the second reading ou behalf of the Government. He'said he did not believe that any State should inssurae the responsibility of an increase of ihe supply o£-combustible material, which at present existed in great or less degree everywhere. A strong Government, he contended, was the best guarantee of peace, while danger lay in the ambition of party leaders, and in their influence on public opinion. “If any State,” said General Von Moltke, “ can work effectively to preserve peace, it is acts solely on the defensive. For this she must be strong and prepared for war, should we, against our will, be involved in war. We shall be able to urge that if this Bill is rejected we shall most certainly have war. Ic-day’s vote in the Rt-ichstag ou the measure will not fail to have its effect abroad. It alone renders possible protection to all our political institnt ons, which must stand or fall with t. A grant for a short time wifi not be acceptable. The eyes of Europe are fixed on this body, I appeal s to you to adopt the Bill, and show the world your readiness to make sacrifice, even of your own averse opinion, if the wel ! -being of the Fatherland is at stake.”

Baron Steffenberg followed General Von Moltke, and'vhilo he’Was speaking- Prince - Bismarck entered the, Chamber, At the conclusion of Baron Steffunberg’s speech, Prince Bismarck rose. .'Hesaid—“The desire of all the military authorities of the Empire is only opposediby Herr Eeichter, Herr Windthorst, and Hfcrr Greslenberger. We have not allowed (oulselves. to be induced by any one to make an enemy of Russia for the sake of .Bulgaria. To maintain good relations among the Powers is more difficult than you think. We cannotiallow our efforts to be nullified by journalistic or parliamentary works. Our relations with'France continue good. To maintain them is difficult, because a long, historical-process must be accomplished before theieolings of the past are nppeased and differences reconciled. We have done everything to induce France to forget and forgive. We have no present grounds to apprehend war with France, neither have we to conclude peace at Frankfort, and it is still more difficult to maintain it. A degree of intimacy and mutual confidence exists between Germany and Austria, such as never existed at the period of German federation. We are bound to maintain peace for this quarter of the globe, butforthia a strong army, is required, Our relations with all the Po vers are of the best. Our good relations with Russia are beyond all doubt. 1 should have considered - entering upon war on account of Bulgaria as an act of treason against my country.” Prince Bismark continued, “ Whattis Bulgaria to us ? It is allthe same to us whoevergovernstherp. The friendship'of Russia is surely no reason to fear it. There can be no question about our attacking France, but we must protect ouiselves against an atlack. Under no ordinary circumstances shall we attack France, but we shall always bo compelled to arm ourselves in such a manner as to be equal tr. the contingency of war. This is the supreme object of the Army Bill. I have a firm confidence in the peaceful disposition of the French Government, and a portion of the French people; still the past teaches in that we cannot count on peace with France as permanent. A Government may one day come into power at Paris which wid make war upon üb. This you will taka into account. If we do not prepare, as you say, to-day, when war comrs we shall have to grant everything, and we shall be laughed at. Is there in France « single party or a single public person who says ‘ We renounceiour right to Alsace and Loiraine V The possibility pf French aggression is, therefore, a sufficient motive for the Will. France is a strong and well-armed Power. Hor army is brave and ready to fight. We must uever-sit idle with our hands,in our laps,, however peaceful France may. look. For a moment suppose the French should be victorious, what should we: have to expect? We should have the same French against us from whom we suffered from 1780 to 1813, and they would again suck our blood. Weaken'd be paralysed for tidily years. Endeavors would be made to permanently weaken us. Such demands would be made as to give up Hanover. I »m omy describing the possibilities that might arise in the event of our defeat. The peace of 1870 is intro child’s piny in comparison wi;h what p«ace would be after a war in 1890. He who wishes to.- take responsibility' for this ikt him. The Federal Government will not take that responsibility, and they therefore submit the Bill. They wish to have permanently sufficient train-d soldiers in the Empire. We have i-hosen -•even years as the brut, because th b was liiti period of tho pr. vions compromise, aind our constitution d life depends upon that compromise. Tile Federal Council did ah they c >uld do, and in consenting to the septe' nial period they had only the ilitercsts and security of : the Kinpiiu and the wel'-buing nf the F.nh.ulanl m view. Do you baliove that if yon refuse to adopt the terms proposed in the Bill the Federal Council will deviate from their mig’nal propusa 1 . If a similar demand were made in’ France do yon think there is any possibiliiy of its being refused? (Cheers). > o ground exists for placing difficulties in the way of she Federal Government in regard to the period of duration »>f the Bib, especially in view of the fact that we have kept strictly to the text and Spirit of the Constitution. Understand now that we resolutely adhere to our demand for the Septennute. We cannot give way even a hairsbread'h. (Applause from tho Right.) Who cut guarantee always the same majority in this Home? Do you wish to make the rise and fall «f the German army dependant upon the majorities in the Reichstag? By doing so yon change tho Imperial army into a Parliamentary force. In this case we might have to appeal to the electors and discover whether this is really

the wish-,of the nation. We shal 1 see whether . itlie' electors ■permit ideas. actually .to exist according to which the strength of the army is to be determined by the Reichstag with-out-the,consent, of the Federal Council and the Emperor, You can hardly expect the Emperor in hia ninetieth year will contribute to the destruction of the work he has devoted the hist thirty .'years of hia life to—the creation of the’German Empire. If you believe that possible ; if you awaken the slightest suspicion that those are your aims, and if you do not speedily Ivitui;, t ■ -fishes of the Federal Government i regarding the defensive powers of Germany by complete acceptance of thnißill,‘then: we prefer; to deal with another Reichstag. We will enter into no/fhrther negotiations with you, .The danger in which we might place' Germany by procrastinating forces us to promptly obtain a decisive answer or ftb address ourselves to others who will give us such an answer. The question has been asked why has the Government not waited for (He expiration of the existing Scpiepuato ? The leading reason was that the Government had been convinced that the system of frontier guarding requires immediate s { rengthening. We do not wish to'ehdangdr ‘the '-Empire by-de-laying .the Bill," «tndj we-,'were / not prepared for any oppfisjTon to so modi rate a demand. Had ,we ..known this beforehand, ghould’ hayb done -better to. first consult the electors as to whether or not they wish to preserve the German Empire intits present accession ; as it is, wo must now insist upon ourdemands. At the conclusion of the speech, Prince Bismarck wasdoudty,cheered.

A despatch, frqmßerlin, dated January 15th, says the German Army Bill’ was defeated by a.majority of twenty-nine. The instant that tiii reading the result of'the divieio'n, Prince Bismarck arose, and read, with distinct utterance, a brief decree dissolving the Reichstag. 'He,added no ibis own, Ho closed ,thei, writing case enfolding the document with sharp emphasis, and abruptly strode from-the C mmber to his carriage, driving off without sneaking to.anyone. ■ Bismarck’s speech created a deep impression in Paris, and the general feeling is that it'.dpefli not, increase the prospects of peace. Le Matin says ; “ The account opened in 1870 will never bo settled us long .as llie- German flag floats over Metz and Sirasburg.” The impression throughout Kuropo is very deep. The Tunes correspondent describes Bismarck as stammering with a sort of cantipo; when,■' preferring to Germany’s relations with Russia, and speaking ‘with prompt and rapid'utterance cdiemdealing with France. '