The Temuka Leader TUESDAY, JULY 6, 1886. HOME RULE.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1528, 6 July 1886, Page 2

The Temuka Leader TUESDAY, JULY 6, 1886. HOME RULE.

Some people affect that they cannot understand why Ireland should desire to hare a Parliament of her own. One of the reasons is that it is the inalienable right of a free people to bo their own governors. That is (he sentimental part of it. Another reason is that Ireland, since she lost her own Parliament, has been going down bill at a terribly rapid pace. She has lost all her trade and industry ; her population is only about one-balf wbat it used to he; nearly all her landowners are absentees, and she is in a chronic state of poverty. Th» result is that she is niKConrented wi'h the present state of affairs, and is desirous of securing that

which rendered her prosperous before—a native Parliament, A few facts connected with these matters may not prove uninteresting just now. Previous to Grattan’s Parliament Ireland was just as she is at present—in a slat# of poverty. England was then at war with America, and, as there appeared some danger of French troops attacking Ireland, the Irish people formed an army of 52,000 volunteers to protect themselves. Then arose Grattan. His fervid eloquence seemed to inspire the people with fresh hopes, and they determined to secure free trade for their industries ; they resolved, in fact, to adopt Dean kiwift’s suggestion “to burn everything that comes from England except coal.” It is necessary to explain here that, in compliance with the wishes of English manufacturers, so as to shut Irish goods out of the market, anything produced in Ireland had to pay a heavy duty before it was allowed to leave the country, while English goods were allowed into Ireland free. The result was, of course, that Irish industry, thus handicapped, was soon killed, and hence the reason Dean Swift gave the advice given above. The names of importers of English goods were published in the papers, and the whole country resolved to boycott them, ibis idea was taken up by the volunteers. At a grand review they hung on their eannons printed bills bearing the words, “ 50,000 united Irishmen prepared to die far their country ; free trade or this,” meaning, of course, the cannons. On the 9th of April, 1780, Grattan moved bis famous declaration of rights, to the tffect “ that the King’s most excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Commons of Ireland are the only power competent to enact laws to bind Ireland.” Subsequently the volunteers passed a resolution to the effect that they would not be bound by any lawf except those made bj an Irish Parliament. They also passed a resolution in favor of relaxing the Penal Laws, for let it be remembered that in those days the Homan Catholics bad no voice in anything. They could neither vote for, nor be a member of, Parliament, nor hold even the position of a policeman. Yielding to such unanswerable arguments as the gleaming sabres of 52,000 volunteers, England granted to Ireland on the 27th of May, 1782, a free constitution, and the result was that no country on the face of the earth ever made such progress in industrial development. In 1782 the number of drinking glasses imported into Ireland was 209,222; in 1787 only 4648 were imported, showing that about 205,000 glasses had been manufactured in the country. In 1782 Ireland exported to countries other than Great Britain only 826,787 yards of linen ; seven years after she exported 1,745,410 yards of linen, showing how her trade increased under n native Parliament daring five years. In 1782 1264 acres of land were under flax ; in five years after 9765 acres were under flax*' It was thus Irish industry flourished under a native Parliament. Public buildings sprang up ; all was progress, activity, and prosperity until the year 1000, when Ireland lost her native legislature. In the speech delivered in the House of Commons on Mr Gladstone’s Bill, Mr J. J£. Redmond said : He found that in Dublin in tjjw year 1800 there were 90 master woollen manufacturers, employing 1 4918 hands ; and in the year 1840 the industry was practically dead. There wore in 1800 30 master wool-combers in Dublin, employing 230 hands ; while in 1834 the industry was practically dead, (Hear, hear). There were 13 carpet manufacturers in Dublin in 1800, employing 230 hands, and in 1841 there were none. (Hear, hear). In the town of Kilkenny there were to be found in 1800 56 blankets manufacturers, employing 3000 hand, and in the 1822 the industry was dead. (Hear, hear). Then, again, lie found that in Dublin in the year 1800 there were 2500 silk loom weavers at work, and in 1840 the industry was gone. (Hear, hear), In the year 1799 there were 2500 calico looms at work in Balbriggan; in 1841 there were but 228. In Wicklow in 1800 there were 1000 hand looms at work ; in 1841 there were none. In the city of Cork there were at work in the year 1800 the following industries, which had since declined ; 10G0 braid weavers, of whom only 49 remained in 1834 ; 2000 worsted weavers, of whom only 90 remained in 1834 ; 3000 hosiers, of whom only 28 remained in 1834. There were also 700 wool-combers, 2000 cotton weavers, and 600 linen check weavers, each of which industries was dead in 1834. (Cheers). They had, therefore, the fact that all these indnstries which had been in existence at the* time of the Union had either totally disappeared or had been partially destroyed before the year 1841. (Cheers).

Anyone reading these facts will we think find a very good answer to the question, Why Ireland wants Home Rule ? Her trade and commerce developed enormously under a native Parliament, but the moment she lost it every industry in the country was mined. That we think justifies Ireland in seeking a native Parliament, and to deny her the right to nuke her own laws is certainly wrong. It is doubtful, however, whether this will be conceded this time. We are afraid parties will come back after the elections in just the same way as they were before. If so, it will lead to a miserable state of things, Government by party in England wall be destroyed, and the whole system will be disorganised. A few days will tell.

BLUE RIBBONISTS AND THE PUBLICANS. A most amusing correspondence waS published in yesterday’s Lyttelton Times. The first letter is from Mr C. E. Salter, Secretary of the central branch of the Blue Ribbon Union, ask-

ing the Committee of the Licensed Victuallers’ Association to receive a deputation of the Blue Ribbon Union, for the purpose of considering the subject of Sunday trading and the Clubs. Now, this was going a little too far. This was adding insult to injury. It was not enough that the Blue Kibbonists were destroying the trade of the publicans, but they must ask the publicans to meet them to consult oyer the most effective way of still further curtailing their liberties, The request was, to say the least of it, illadyised and extraordinary, but the adoption of extreme steps like this has always been a drawback to the temperance cause. In their enthusiasm, temperance people very frequently lose their heads, and do things which alienate the co-operation of soberminded people. To ask publicans to meet Blue Kibbonists to have a talk over the best means of preventing Sunday trading, and otherwise crippling the trade, was really a delicious bit of effrontery. We might as well expect tow and fire to mix without one devouring the other, ap to get publicang and teetotallers to sit down calmly and quietly to discuss such a subject. It was no wonder that the letter created a flutter in the publicans’ dovecotes. It was no wonder that the reply was not couched in the mildest language, aud it was not. MrC. Afnyes, Acting President of the Licensed Victuallers’ Aaiociation, made the reply pretty warm. lie denied that any Sunday trading existed, and if it did the proper remedy was to open the public houses on Sundays, The Committee of the Licensed Victuallers’ Association had the cause of real temperance at heart, but they felt disgusted, as did every right-thinking man, with the action taken by the Vigilance Committee in watching the public-houses on Sundays, Mr Arayes then lashas out fiercely at “ spies and informers,” who have ever and always, in all ages and countries, been looked upon with such a feeling of loathing that »o respectable men could associate with them, Ho then talks about the “ degraded females,” who prowl about the back doors of hotels on Sundays, aud says that their conduct has alienated from temperance the active support of all right-minded men. Unless Blue Kibbonists could give a distinct assur ance not only that they had no connection with the Vigilance Committee, bat that they felt in common with all rightthinking men the utmost contempt for these “contemptible creatures,” the licensed victuallers could not meet them. In this Mr Amyes was just about as ill-advised as the temperance people were in the stepi they took. He calls the Vigilance Committee by fearfully hard names; but what is their crime ? Simply this : that in the interests of morality, religion, and humanity they have determined upon compelling Mr Amyes and his fellow-licensed victuallers to obey the law. There is no other occupation in which the law is so frequently and so openly set at naught; there is no other trade in which strict adherence to law is so much required. It would have been far better, and in better taste, had Mr Amyes said that he was glad the Vigilance Committee existed, as it would show that the trade ha represented was conducted within the letter of the law, or expose those who broke it. This would have been a wiser coarse to pursue than to admit tacitly that the law had been broken, and that the ti sde felt aggrieved at persons who took upon themselves the duty of insisting on the public-houses being kept closed when they ought to be, On the whole, the correspondence is highly amusing, and neither side can claim to have come out of it very well.