The Temuka Leader. TUESDAY, MAY 18, 1886. THE NEWS FROM IRELAND.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1507, 18 May 1886, Page 2

The Temuka Leader. TUESDAY, MAY 18, 1886. THE NEWS FROM IRELAND.

Thb news from Ireland is of a most extraordinary nature just now, but past experience teaches us that much reliance cannot be placed on anything teferring to that unhappy country which comes through Reuter's Agency. We hear nothing at all now of the " rebel Nationalists," they appear to have quieted down into law-abiding citizens, and to be awaiting the turn of eventp. This ought to be put down to their credit, as it goes a long way towards proving that if they were to get what they want they would be able to behave themselves in a peaceable manner. The grievances from which they suffer have not yet been redressed, A Land Act—a liberal one—was passed for their special behoof, but it has failed to give them the relief they wanted. That Act provided that a Court of Law should fix the rents which tenants should pay to landlords. This Act has been made ise of, and rents have been fixed by the Courts, but since then the prices of the products of the soil have come dowD, and the farmers, according to the London Times, cannot make out of the land sufficient to pay their landlords. The low prices render it impossible to pay rent, and the result is that evictions are going on as much as ever. In England landlords have taken as much as 50 per cent, off the rents payable to them by their tenants. But the Irish landlord must have his pound of flesh. A. cablegram informed us that Mr John Morley had determined to prevent evictions in Ireland until the Government had time to pass their Laud Purchase Bill, but evidently this was not true, for we find by the papers received by the last mail that people are still being thrown out of their homes wholesale. These evictions have always been the cause of agrarian outrages, but at the present time the people offer no resistance, And it is nothing uncommon for the judges to receive white gloves. The hope held out by Mr Gladstone's policy has bad the effect of causing the people to behave peaceably, and this in our opinion shows that if Home Rule were given to them agitation and outrage would cease. So far Irish news is ploasingly satisfactory, hut unfortunately there is Another tide to the picture. We are

told by cablegrams th»t General Lord Wolseley, and Lord Charles Beresford have signified their intention of resigning their positions in the Kngliih Army and Navy respectively to lead the men of Ulster in a civil war, provided Home Rule is granted to Ireland, and further that Ulster is openly preparing for war. This is not pleasant, but we may say that we 3o not believe - it. In the first place Lord Wolseley could not be guilty of anything so disloyal, and moreover he has to a certain extent admitted the necessity of Home Rule. As commander of the Army, he has formed regiments almost, if not entirely, of Irishmen, and has placed over them Irish officers." The reason he gave for doing this was that none but Irish officers could understand or lead Irish soldiers successfully. If it is true that only Irish officers can govern Irish soldiers, to say that only Irish legislators can legislate for Ireland canaot be far wrong, and it is'not. likely that the great Commander who found it necpssary to adopt such a policy in the government of the Army would-be vry much opposed to having the same principles applied to cfvil, government. As regard! Lord Charles ■Beresford, he is a harem-3carum ■ figntirig.,tnan ; but we doubt that ho is recklc»s enough to commit such an net of folly'as to become leader in. a civil war.

But as regards the men of the North themselves, there can be very little doubt but that they are threatening to do something desperate. When tho Irish Church was disestablished some 16 years ago the men of Ulster were going to prevent it by means of a civil war, but they did not, They held then "that the coronation oath forbade the Queen to allow the disestablishment; that'she would commit perjury if she signed the Bill, and that it would be an overthrow of our Protestant constitution in Church and State." The Church was disestablished, and yet the Protestant religion has not been overthrown. The cry raised by the men of Ulster against Home Rule is that, the Protestant' 'minority would suffer at the hands of the Catholic majority. This, however, is not generally believed in. Mr Dickson—undoubted the ablest man in all Ulster, a ProtesUnt, and, if we mistake not, an Orangeman—lectured recently in Belfast, and he declared himself favorable to Home Rule. He had for years been a member of Parliament, he said, and had used every influence possible to get certain necessary reforms carried out, but found himself always outvoted by English members. Lord Plunkett, the Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, has lectured against Home Rule, but not on: the ground that the Protestant minority would suffer any disabilities, His chief cause for opposing the- proposal was that he was afraid it would lead to separation. To any man of common sense this cry of separation is nonsense. How could Home Rule lead to separation ? England would still control the army, and could tn one week reduce Ireland to a state of submission in the event of any disposition to separate being showH, The cry that the rights of the Protestant minority would be trampled on is equally absurd. Ireland has had enough religious persecution and sectarian strife, and would not be in any hurry to reawaken such feelings of bitterness again- But eten if such a thing were possible, will not England still have control of the array ? and could she not still protect the interests of her Protestant subjects? As for Mr Chamberlain's proposal to give Ulster either a separate Parliament or keep her still united to England, there is no doubt but that for the peace of Ireland it would be a good thing, but what is to become of the Roman Catholics of Ulster ? It is a mistake to think that all Ulster is Protestant. According to the latest census returns, 48 per cent, of the total, population of Ulster is Roman Catholic. And to show that anti-Home Rule feeling in Ulster is still more limited, we have only to refer to the result of the last general election. The objection to extend Home Rule to "Ulster vanishes into thin air when it is known that the majority of the Ulster members of Parliament are Home Rulers; that only one County—that of Antrim—went solid against Home Rule ; while in Belfast and Derry tire-Home Rulers were defeated by enaall. majorities as 27 and 37 votes, respectively. When we find the Protestants in the minority, and the Home Rulers in the majority, we must conclude that a great many of the Protestants of Ulster are in favor of Home Rule. Is this majority to be sacrificed to please a minority, who threaten civil war? Yet this is Mr Chamberlain's proposal. One peculiar feature of the whole affail is that the anti-Home. Rulers call themselves "ioyal and patriotic Irishmen," while they call the Home Rulers "rebels." The very men who threaten to resort to arms are the " loyalists," while the men who aim at reformation by constitutional means are " rebels." Thia is a curious misuse of words. As regards the proapects of the Home Rule measured being carried, there has been formed an Association, composed exclusively of Englishmen, to aid in carrying out the proposal. Tho Birmingham Reform League--a powerful organisation—has deci Jed in its favor, and so have many other kindred Societies. There is, however, powerful influence at work ; national prejudices and religious feelings are being appealed to, and it is more thsn likely that the struggle will be-severe. If Mr Gladstone is spared for a couple of years, he will undoubtedly c»rry it } if not > w «

doubt very much whether there is another man in the Liberal ranks equal to the task.