The Temuka Leader. SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1886. THE IRISH QUESTION.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1497, 24 April 1886, Page 2

The Temuka Leader. SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1886. THE IRISH QUESTION.

The news with regard to the Home Role question is very meagre, and consequently it is difficult to come to any definite conclusion as to what the result of it will be. We are told that Mr Gladstone proposes two schemes for Ireland —one to grant her a Parliament of her own, and another to buy out the Irish landlords. He proposes that there shall be two classes of Irish legislators: viz., Lords and Commons, but he goes to the extent of making the majority of the Lords elective. This, probably, is the most Radical feature of the Bill, for there is nothing Radical at all in giving to Ireland what she had ICO years ago. There is no doubt but that this innovation of an Elective House of Lords will be resisted by the English peers, because they must naturally feel that this is the thin end of the wedge that will eventually split up their own powers and privileges. The Irish Parliament will not have control of either the Police or the Customs, but we cannot see how this could work. A responsible Government without power to call upon the police whenever their services were required would be a nonentity, and as for the Customs, that is the principal avenue through which revenue can be raised. To ask Ireland to contribute one-fifteenth of the interest on the National debt, without allowing her the

revenue from the Customs to assist in doing bo, is manifestly unjust, However, no Act of any importance bas yet passed without being amended, and it is possible these features of the Bill may b« altered before it becomes law. With regard to the land purchase proposals, this, if done at all, ought to be done first. To remove landlordism is to remove all obstacles to an honest settlement of the difficulty. It is the landlords who are fermenting the Opposition to the granting of dome Rule, and it is their friends and sympathisers —the landlords of England—that are so determinedly opposed to it. English landlords know very well that if Home Role were granted to Ireland new land saw would be enacted, and that eventually the English people would follow suit, and wrest from themselves tin powers and privileges which they have so long enjoyed, They know also thai the Irish question is a distracting element in British politics ; that it helps to turn the attention of the people away (mm the many injustices from which they suffer, and consequently they do heir best to prevent its settlement, the Irish landlords, of course, look upon Horae Rule as their own death blow, and consequently they have re course to every means of preventing it being granted, they even go to the extent of manufacturing outrages, so as to make it appear that the country is in a disaffected state. A young lady named Blake, ibe daughter of a landlord, was recently convicted in Limerick of hav ing set fire to a rick of hay belonging to her father, to make it appear that it was done by “ boycottersand in Kerry ft landlord w»s caught by a policeman sotting fire to his own house. This is how they nianalacture crime. They also appeal to religious prejudice* to prove the irreconcilability of Irish parties. The Orangemen of Ulster resisted most manfully the Act ol Union. There was not an Orange Lodge in Ireland that did not pass resolutions condemnatory of abolishing the Irish Parliament in 1800. The Presbyterians of the North were distinguished for their patriotism when Ireland had her own Parliament, Headed by the immortal Grattan the Northern volunteers proclaimed that Ireland should never be governed except by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland. The King referred to was, of course, the King of England, acting in union with the Irish Lords and Commons. Now the majority of these have changed, and it is lately the great change has come over them. They have been changed by the landlords appealing to their religious prejudices. They have frightened them by telling them that they will become the downtrodden serfs of the Catholic majority ; they have recourse to every artifice to fan the flame of religious bigotry, and hence the opposition to Home Rule in the North. In the South it is different. Southern Protestants are favorable to Home Rule, while Catholic landlords are opposed to it. Mr Samuel Hussey, who was looked upon as one of the most unrelenting of Irish agents, recently resigned the agency of the Renmare estate because he could not reconcile it with his conscience to carry out the behests of Lord Kenmare, who is a Roman Catholic. Mr Hussey is a Protestant. Thus it is that landlordism is at the bottom of all the religious intolerance, as well as the opposition to Home Rule in Ireland, and consequently we think the wiser course would have been to dispose of the landlords before dealing with Home Rule. However, wise heads have taken the matter in hand now, and the chief question appears to ns to be, Will the Bill be carried. Will Mr Gladstone be able to crown his many Jnobla deeds by carrying into law the measures under review, or will they result in his political extinction? Had he been a few years younger we would have no hesitation in saying that he would come out triumphantly, but considering his great age we confess we have some misgivings on the subject. He has been deserted by some of his staunchest colleagues ; the Press of the country, we are told, condemns him ; but at the same time it is worthy of not : co that as fast as vacancies occurred in his Ministry men were found to fill them. And it ought also to be taken into consideration that those who have filled the positions are leading politicians. Another matter is that all Ministers have been triumphantly reterned by their constituents. Mr John Morley, the most Home Raler in England; had only a majority of 600 over his opponent at the general election. When he became a Minister, and declared for Home Rule, he went back to his constituents and was returned by a majority of 2268. That shows that the British public are in favor of Home Rule, in that constituency at any rate, and this is sufficient to raise a hope that if Mr Gladstone appeals to the country he will come back triumphantly. We hope he will, for to refuse Homo Rule to Ireland now would lead to the most fearful and disastrous consequences (hat it would be possible to conceive. The hopes of the Irish have been raised by Mr Gladstone now, and if these are dashed to the ground again it will result in very serious consequences.