THE HON. MR ROLLESTON AT TEMUKA.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1487, 1 April 1886, Page 3

THE HON. MR ROLLESTON AT TEMUKA.

Tha Hon, Mr Eolleaton, M.H.R. for Geraldine, addressed his constituents in the Volunteer Hall, Temuka, last Tuesday eveniig. There w*s a large attendance, and tbe speaker was accorded a first-rate hearing. At 8 o’clock Mr K. F. Gray, the Chairman of the Tamuka Town Board, took the chair, and after a few remarks introduced the speaker, ■Who said

Mr Chairman and Gentlemen,—l postponed asking you to meet me till the harvest was over, believing that this would best suit your convenience. In tbe meantime, there has been no lack of political excitement, ministers’ movements. Ministers have been starring it about the provinces after tha manner of a variety troupe, and there was no need for lesser lights like myself to appear on the Stage. Their utterances have been amusing, if not instructive, from their diversity of opinions—opinions which were invariably indiv : dual and in no way binding on the Cabinet. In the early part of the recess they amused themselves and the public with running down their predecessors as men “ who had not been intent on business to much as on weathering the session.” There was a grim iocoseness about this from men who had just emerged from a still-born session—(who had, like the man going to Chicago, encountered many rebuffs)—in respect of men who, during their term of office, had reformed the whole electoral law, put an end to the native difficulty, amended and liberalised the land law, and changed the incidence of taxation, taking it off the poor and putting it upon the shoulders of those best able to bear it. I deem it necessary to mention this in justice te myself and colleagues : men who had, in the words of Sir John Hall, deepened and widened the political foundations of the colony. 1 think it was unnecessary for them to attack us in that manner, and I and my colleagues quite realised the honor conferred upon us by being able to accomplish what we did. Last session we did not attack tbe present Ministry until compelled, but remained quiet and unabusive. (Cheers). Lately we have had anew sensation in the form of threats o* an immediate dissolution—a piece of political finesse, which on the part of Ministers of the Crown might be thought to exceed the bounds of constitutional propriety. No one with a moderate knowledge of constitutional practice could |faink a dissolution probable. However, -that is all gone by, and the mild pressure which this threat, and that of absorption of the Jforth Island Railway

loan, were expected to exercise upon weal; men, has done nc harm and no good. It reminds one of the trick played by jockeys on the course of shaking their whip in front of the noses of the horse* carrying other colors than their own. THE POUTICi.Ii POSITION. I feel aome difficulty in describing the political position—the position of parties —during last session. There is no doubt things were very mixed. There seemed to bo a complete upsattal of party Government, There can be no doubt that a great wrong is generally done by coalition. Principles are compromised and vigorous watchfulness is abandoned. For my part I think that grounds for two parties always exist, and that it is to be regretted when for temporary expediency the natural antagonism which it an essential feature of Parliamentary Government is merged and loat in a Coalition Ministry. Just let us see what is understood or baa been understood among parties at Home. In England Toryism has been defined by Mr Gladstone to ba : “ Distrust of the people qualified by fearand Liberalism “ Trust of the people qualified by prudence.” Here all are Liberal* ; non# would confess to anything else, (Hear, hear.) All have the people on their lips and their banners, but there ic a wide difference constituting a basis for two parties. In older countries you have privilege*, hereditary power and vested interests struggling against the greatest good of the greatest number. Here the old foes appear with now faces. Instead of Kings with their armiea and the old forms of tyranny and injustice, you find subtler influence* at work which are no lose the fora of freedom and popular rights. The two side* will always range—on the one hand those who fight the battle of liberty on behalf of the greatest number ; on the other hand, tho«e who blindly sacrifice the many in the selfish interest of companies, speculators and uionopobVe. The battle will still be fought in eur Parliament over questions like education, the land laws, district railway*, and a hundred others where the claims of property and persons conflict. HIS ACTIONS LAST SESSION. Having said this much, you will follow me in the views I took in the last and previous seeaiou with regard to such matters as the Land Bill oo the one band, where I was in accord with Miniatara or some of them, and on the other with regard to the Meiggs contract, the district railways purchase, the customs tariff, the property tax, and proposals for large borrowing. It would occupy too much time, if 1 were to go through the trouble* which bafel the Government consequent on the wide differences of opinion which existed among themselvei and their following on matters of principle } when the only point on which the latter agreed was the keeping of Miniaiers in and their policy out, a course , of procedure very humiliating to both parties, and certainly at variance with all constitutional practice. The result of the session was a feeling of discomfiture and dissatisfaction on the part of the Minister*, Which wa» freely admitted by one of their number. They had come into office with promises of retrenchment. There waa to be a saving of £IOO,OOO. Last session c'o»ed without any reduction of expenditure haring been effected. Nominally, the Estimates *howed a reduction in the Armed Constabulary expenditure, but really it was a transfer of loan of what bad previously been paid out of the revenue, A saving of £7OOO on surveys wi.* partly accounted for by charges on other departments, for which vote* were not taken, and partly was a reduction of a neceiaary service. The same waa true with regard tojthe expenses of Parliament, which were really £50,000, as there were two session*, and which were taken off the Ordinary Estimates, and had come under permanent appropriation*. The education vete, they were told by Sir Juliu* Vogel, wae to be cut down, and the aystem carried oo quite as efficiently. Thank* to the Premier, who, I am happy to aay, was sound upon that question, there was no attempt made to reduce the vote or tamper with thejeducational ayatem of the colony. (Applause). The property tax was to ba abolished- The result they knew. Instead of a halfpenny they had seven-eights, and if they went on the same course seven-eighths would not bo the proparty tax in a year. The Otago Central Railway contract was to be finished to the Stratb-Taieri in two years but to my mind it will be two year* longer yet. RAILWAY 10ARN8. The railway management was to be supplanted by the constitution of Boards. The experiment, I think, which has been tried with the Government Insurance Department, and has turned out so unhappily will, in my > pinion, be a warning against such a proposal being entertained. (Hear, hear.) GOVERNMENT INSURANCE. The Government could profitably take up such matters as the Post (Jffi -e, Teegraph, Mint, and one ortwoother things, of which there was a monopoly. But when the Government Wont beyond questions of that character very considerable difficulty arose. With regard to insurance, the Government found it necessary to institute a Board which would practically take away the administration from the Government and relievo them of control. What 1 have to say is, that the Government have no right to touch an}thing over which Parliament does not have absolute and perfect control. (Applause.) My opinion is that it should be retained ns a Government department, but not with this buffer of a Board between the representatives of the people and the Government.

HOSPITALS AND CHARITABLE AID. With regard to the Hospitals and Charitable Aid Bill, my feeling was that, faulty and ill-constructed aa it wan, ths only thing to be done was to endeavour to amend it, and put it into better shap», and 1 helped in that direction as much as I could. It has only one good point about it, that it is a-step to the localisation of the administration of this most difficult question. The manner in which those engaged in local affairs have set themselves to work out the problem, in spite of blundering legislation, is one of the moat encouraging feature* in the public life of the colony (applause). I now come to what is really the great question of the day.

THE GENERAL DISORGANISATION OF TRAD* Which prevails in this colony is commou with the rest ot the world. It i> largely

due to three causes —(1) Excessive borrowing causing temporary inflation and subsequent prostration and collapse ; (2) Uproductive expenditure voted in the colony, which would if not crippled by this cause give a better market for our productions ; "(3) To reckless speculation and monopoly in land. The accumulation of capital and the fatal facility of borrowing, are, doubtless, the great rocka ahead in the ways of good government and the social progress of the country. In old days tyrants and armies rode rough-shed over the people at large. Now an adventurer with borrowed millions in his budget; with the support of rings and companies can corrupt legislatures and choke the expression of the popular will. Now privately half of our population may become, aye, is becoming, the slave of money-lending corporation* —a landlyrdism of the worst character. A man who ought only to hare 100 aorea of land takes 200 and so on and borrows to pay for it. A bad harreat and low prices land him in difficulties. The embarrassed borrower and the money-lender support the public man who will create a temporary inflation by large public borrowing. His schemes—involving large present expenditure and postponed payment ; increasing the cost of the necessaries of life to the masses of the people ; are supported by ail 'be recklessness and improvident. Public men will gnet as a rule be ranch wiser than those they represent, and you see how closely public and private borrowing are connected. 1 won't trouble yon with elaborate figures to «how the precise amount of our public aud private indebtedness. It comes to a total of ovei £70,000,0 r| o, a very heavy strain upon out resources when the interest amounting to about £4,000,000 a year, lias to be paid through our exports. 1 do not look 1 gloomily on our position, though I think it fraught with great danger. I have great faith in what has been called the buoyancy and elasticity of our resources if we will give the country fair play. But I do not look on that buoyancy »nd elasticity ns a ground for further largely increasing our liabilities. This would be like the dram drinker who drowns the thirst caused by one dram by taking another. (Laughter.) THE POIiIOT OF THE GOVERNMENT. The policy of the Government as put forth in the recess, is to revive the public work* part of the public works and immigration schemes of 1870, to initiate large new works, and to push them to completion as speedily as possible, rdiargxing, I presume, ns indicated by the Treasurer, the interest during construction upon loan. At the same time taxation of an indirect character is to be increased through the Customs. 1 cannot conceive a worse or more dangerous policy. It is no time for increased taxation, and I am entirely opposed to interference with the free course of trade through the Customs, The flag to be flown is, I understand, protection and public works. Bad, as 1 believe such interference to b# at any time, it is worse at a time when trade is disorganised by disproportionate production. (Hear, hear.) The enormous increase of production is really an increase of wealth, largely benefiting mankind generally. There, is no such thing as over-production, but time is required to make the country adapt itself to a different price level, to adjunt the irregularities which arise in production consequent upon thesnormoua and sudden expansion caused by improved machinery, facilities of transit, and other causes. The employment of taxatioa for other purposes than raising revenue, is wrong in principle, and leads to endless complications. We want no borrowing in ca*es of that for which revenue without increased taxation will provide inteiest. The collection of that revenue i» now too heavily taxing industry, and the borrowing which was contracted by the late Government to ene million a year ought, in my opinion, to be further coitracted. With regard to the Customs, T will be no party to making them the means of interference with trade to any greater extent than is now unfortunately the case. I wish that the exigencies of the country admitted of a large reduction in iudireci taxation, and I would lose no opportunity of voting in that direction. (Applause,) To New Zealand as the trading centre of thete seas a such policy if possible would bo iuraluabl*. The subject, I know, is one which is very much canvassed, and you can hardly expect me, with the limited time at ray disposal, to go fuily into the question. NEW WORKS. To the initiation of large aew works at the present time I am entirely opposed. We have hundreds of mile* of railway which are not discharging their full functions of arterial means of communication, from the undeveloped state of the country through which they pass, from the monopely of the adjacent land*, and from other causes. In proportion to, it* population, the larger works in New Z-aland are far in advance of the settlement which is necessary for their proper utilisation. If without an increase of population you drew away existing population from the settled districts by the spending of borrowed money, you simply postpone the settlement of difficulties which are arising from imperfect road communication and the monopoly of land. If it comes to choosing between new railways and new road* feeding existing railways in districts partially occupied, 1 should unhesitatingly prefer the latter. (Hear, hear.) THE ROADS AND BRIDGES CONSTRUCTION ACT Waa no doubt faulty in several particulars aud required immediate amendment. Its repeal was a great blunder, aud already the Government are finding this out. It could not continue dependent on the land fund, and all moneys provided under it should be repayable by sinking fund to be provided by rates on landed property.

LOCAL FINANCE. The local finance proposals of the Government last session were justly and universally condemned. The proposal was to sat aside £300,000 a year in subsidies for 25 years, and to allow the local bodies to anticipate by borrowing, which would hav* involved an increase af indebtedness to the extent of seven millions, the adoption of which would no doubt hive bf'en ultimately forced on the colony. The Government will no doubt have to deal with this question next session. HIS PROPOSALS. fon will gather from my remarks that my mind runs in ( the direction of insisting

the existing population in developing more fully Ihe resources of the country to which our rail ways already give access. That we require no nostrums—no large borrowing. Ths remedies lie to our hand. Economy, retrenchment, industry, are common-place tarms. We like more showy remedies than washing in Jordan. It is a hard road to travel. The wealth we create ourselves is far before that wo borrow and spend from outsiders : essy come, easy go, (Laughter), THE LAND QUESTION. The monopoly in land is being attacked in various ways. The Land Bill of last year carried forward the principles which I had embodied in previous enactments, and which will prevent monopoly in lands now in the hands of the Crown. With regard to the resumption of land already parted with, all thinking people are coming to ths conclusion that such a course is justifiable in the public interest for purposes of settlement, and can be done without mjustice to existing holders when the necessity arises. No plan has yet been worked out of a satisfactory character. It is plain to me that if land is taken for settlement it must be dona by Act of Parliament in the same way as land is taken for railways, and that it cannot be left to the individual judgment »f Ministers to take or not to take. The general feeling with regard to the purchase* of the Insnrancs Department allows how distrustful the public would be of private or semi-privaU Healing, T cannot think that Sir George Grey’s plan in its present ahspe is workable, and the proposal te issue bends is t» my mind highly objectionable. One feature of the esse was dealt with by the Railway Improved Lsods Bill of 1883 -a Bill which wae submittad to Puiliamant by the Government of which I wae a member. (Hear, hear.) In accoidance with that no future railways would be taken through large estates, doubling their value, without due security being taken front the owner for the settlement of population the land. { Appbmsa) The formation of cooperative land societies, on the same footing as building societies, which I mentioned when 1 last spoke to you in this hall, is another remedy of great vahre. The tendency i* ton much to cry to Jupiter when our own t-fforta would better effect what we require. From what I hare seen of the villlage settlement system it appears to be of inestimable value to the working man, and I trust by their individual action and joint associations that greater progress might be made in that direction than had hitherto been made. Co-operation, cash payments, and organisation seem to be watchwords embodying the policy of the working classes. (Loud applause.) THE EAST AND WEST COAST RAILWAY. Time will not admit of my going at length into the question of the Meiggs contract as proposed by the Government for the adoption of the House. Its general features were that the Government waa to give a guarantee of £97,000 a year for 20 years, at per cent, on £3,860,000, Government also paying any deficit on working expenses. Half the annual payments ware to be a charge on the provincial district of Canterbury north of the' Eangitata, and on Nelson and Westland. This was 1 to form a model for future railways. It is enough now for me to say that, in common with a large majority of the House, I was astounded that such a proposal could be seriously recommended for adoption. The House lost all faith in the Government dealing fairly with the matter, and it refused oven to consider any further concessions than those which were authorised by tha Act of 1884. That Act had gone to the utmost limit which was thought justifiable, and there was at this very time a contract in force with a body of gentlemen in Christchurch in terms of the Act. Ministers then not unnaturally cast about them for ■ome way to escape out of their dilemma, and adopted the not uncommon course of asking for a Committee to consider matters. The House, however, did not feel at all inclined to relegate such a thing to a Committee, and refused the proposal; as X think rightly. (Hear, hear.) I will not, however, further trouble you with respect to this railway. CONCLUSION.

I think now, Mr Chairman, that I have pretty well touched upon ail the important matters. I have not entered upon any local questions, but I shall be most happy to answer any questions upon them that any elector may a*k me. (Applause.) In conclusion, Mr Chairman and gentlemen, 1 have to thank you very much for the attention you have given me, and also for attending in such large numbers this evening; a fact which is extremely gratifying to me. (Loud and prolonged applause.)

questions. The following questions were then put and replied to : Mr Levens : Do you think there would be sny advantage iu the colony having a mint of its own, this being a gold producing country?—Mr Rolleston said he was not very familiar with the subject. He imagined, however, that if there was any sdvantage Government would no doubt propose it. It was a Treasury question, and one on which he was not comptent to give an opinion. Mr Hedges : Does Mr Rolleston think that Government would be able to carry a, loan through next session of, say, £b,000,000 ]—Mr Rolleston said it was a very difficult question for him to answer, but he did not think they ought to, Mr Hedges : It is said in the papers that Government would put aside £1,000,000 to lend to small farmers. Would Mr Rolleston be in favor of itl-Mr Rolleston said he did not think that £1,000,000 would serve such a purpose much. It would be, so to speak, but a drop in che bucket. He would be very glad if any such scheme could be advanced to help small farmers, but ha could not see how such loans could be arranged. He should go to the next session willing to see anything done fairly in that direction, but he must confess he did not sse his way at present. An elector : Would Mr Rolleston be in favor of such a Bank scheme as proposed by Mr Twomey I—Mr Rolleston ; I am not familiar with the details of Mr Twomey’s proposal. , (A voice : Well, you ought to ba, then). Mr Twomey said before Mr Rolleston answered the question it would bo as well to make him familiar with his scheme, and T'lien, when ho had got a general outline of it, he might be able to give a definite answer. The scheme was

this—(Great uproar).—That if the Government borrow money at all they might as well establish a Bank of their own and withdraw from the present Banks the power, which ceitainly does not belong to them, to issue paper money, and issue the notes themselves. This was net a forced currency. A forced currency would only come in when there was no gold at the buck of the notes. The business of the Back should comprise all Government business, business of local bodies (where there was no fear of overdrafts), and the business of the Post Office Savings Bank, which has not a Bank at all as generally understood. It should alse take the accounts of the Government Insurance Association and kindred institutions, and of landowners so long as tbs amount advanced on land was restricted to, say, two thirds of the "value of the land. That should be laid down statute, and no manager should be allowed to advance more. That would stop corruption, as no advance could be made beyond that. That was the kind of Bank he had been advocating, and he regretted to see that Mr Eolleston had not paid ao much attention to it at might have been expected.—Mr Eolleston said he was glad that he had given Mr Twomey the opportunity of explaining his acherae. Ho had no wish to say anything against that scheme. He had been pressed for a definite answer and would give one. Though be had paid some attention to the scheme be had nos- been able to follaw it out and see how it would work. Therefore he was not able to promise his support. The speech made by Mr Twomey had made it plain to him that much greater difficulties existed than he (Mr Twomey) thought of. Mr Twomey said Mr Eolleston had stated they were the slaves of the money, lenders, who were landlords of the worst type, and yet he would be nothing to free those slates. Much treasure had been •pent, and a great deal of blood spilt, in liberating slaves in the past. Mr Eolleston had said we have tosend £4,000,000 a year out of ths colony as interest. Would Mr Eolleston explain where they could get those £4,000,000 ?Mr Eolleston said that that question was becoming a more difficult one to answer every day. He supposed that no one thought the money wss sent Home in sovereigns. Payment was made at Home by the interchange of trade. Our exports go to pay that interest, and he agreed with Mr Twomey that the question wag very difficult. He" thought (hat borrowing should be stopped, and retrenchment' 'practised as much as possible : that the colony should pursue a course smilar to that which might be takea by a private individual, whose affairs needed treating with great circumspection.

Mr Twomey said he wanted to know, if they stopped borrowing, as Mr Rolleston suggested, where the money would come from to psythe interest with. The position was this : la ten years there was a balance of trade against us of £15j000,000, and as this was the case it was of no use to look to our exports to pay the interest. Did Mr Rolleston think it was?—Mr Rolleston said the question was, Where is the interest to come from 1 They had no right to pay, interest out of loans, and if it was so, as Mr Twomey said, it was very serious. He thought it would would be possible to avert such a state-o! things, by a course of prudence. Mr Twomey did not see how that would do, as if they had not the money in the colony to pay with, he did not see how prudence would help them. They must'either borrow or become bankrupt. —Mr Rolleston said ho did not under - atand. He would support borrowing if he thought it absolutely necessary and right. Mr Twomey said that he. stated before that there was no chance of getting any aoy money from the Customs. . Was there aoy other avenue besides the Customs for getting revenue 1 —Mr Rollestoe : Yes, direct taxation. Mr Twomey aaid there was only £2,000,000 in gold in the colony, snd yet every year there wae to be sent out of the colony £4,000,000. When the property tax gatherer came round to collect the tax from those who were fortunate enough to own property, if they were to give cheques on the Banks, hew could the Banks find £4,000,000 when there only was £2,000,000 in the colony. —Mr Rolleaton said it was hardly possible for him to answer all these questions then. What he understood Mr Twomey to say was that he (Mr Rolleston) said they were to raise £4,000,000 by direct taxation. He did not say that, and therefore, Mr Twomey’s proposition fell to the ground. Mr Twomey (smid great uproar) aaid the point he wanted to get at was; Where were they to get the £4,000,000 from ? It was through no antagonism to Mr Rolleaton he was asking these questions. It appeared to be thought that he was antagonistic to Mr Rolieeton, but it was not correct. He did not think snyono could say he had done anything hurtful to him. But ke wanted to understand these things. (A great uproar ensued, end as Mr Twomey could net gain a hearing he left the platform). Mr Metson asked whether Mr Rolleaton would vote in favor of an income tax on incomes of, say, £3OO a year and over I —Mr Rolleston said, in his opinion, an income tax in New Zealand would sot work very fairly. It would come on Government and bank officials generally, and on a few whoso incomes were fixed, but he did not think many could be found on whom it could be levied. He thought that the property tax was the fairest, and all contributed to the revenue through the Customs. If persons had good incomes and laid money by, they paid property tux whether the money was in the bank or out at interest. _ Ho wag not avers# to an inoome tax if it would work fairly, and was found to be worth collecting. Mr Lee then stepped on the platform, and said he had a petition to lay before Mr Rolleston. They only saw Ministers occasionally, and when they did see them the more information they got the better. It was not right to hoot and yell at men who tried to get information. They should be allowed to ask as many questions as they liked. Ho had a petition to present from the tradesmen of Temuka on the bankruptcy laws, which he thought had a great deal to do with the present depression. (Mr Lee then read a long article from the Weekly Advertiser commenting on the unsatisfactory way in which the present Bankruptcy Act worked.) He then mentioned a statement

made by the Resident that there was now no imprisonment for debt. With regard to the Nations! Debt that had been spoken of, they need only go to Timaru, gel a good lawyer, and file the country. It would be only what America had done. Let them repudiate, and get rid of the £4,000,000 of interei-t. Af'er a few more jocose remarks, and instancing a case where the Official Assignee’s expenses ia an estate worth £IOO came to £7O, he said he would like to bear if Mr Rolieston would present the petition to Parliament and move in the matter. —Mr Rolieston said the petition presented by Mr Lee was to the effect that the petitioners considered the working of the present Bankruptcy Act since ito commencement in 1884 had bean so unsatisfactory that, unless some great alteration were m»de in it, it would be preferable to abolish it altogether. He would be happy to lay it before Parliament when he reached Wellington, aod, if he found the Act working ae unsatisfactorily as stated, he would do hU beat to get it altered. An elector said the member who now got the most money for his district from Parliament was looked upon as the best member, no matter how such money w»s squandered. Would Mr Rolieston be in furor of »ny member who got a grant being compelled to give a guarantee from the district he represented that it would be willing to be rated at 6 per cent, interest on the amount got. Mr Lee made a few remarks about the Charitable Aid, which, he thought was a subject which would entail very great szpanditnre, and mentioned instances that occurred at Home whan it had been found that persona had been boro in the workhouse, brought up in the workhouse, married in the workhouse, and died in the workhouse.

Mr Leach asked what objection Mr Rolleston could state why the people of New Zealand ahould not have a bank of their own, or could Restate any reason why it would not work paleo, would il not pay New Zealand to.buy ap the. large estate! at Property Tax valuation ?—Mr Rolleston laid with reference to the hank question, there had been a Bank of Issue to begin with some years ago, and il hart been found necessary to do away with it. He would only say that at preaent ho did not see hie way to■ support it. Government could not take it up as a monoploy, and.he therefore did not think that Government could take it up. History showed that it had not been a success in other countries. (A voice; What about Germany). • He did not know about thut place, and he did not think he could go in for it unlesa a very goed case was made out. With regard to the purchase of the large estates, he thought that if it were found necessary it was certainly right for Government to do so, but he did not think it would be right at the present lime. If they took the present property tax valuation*, he know of several instmoes wore the properties were valued at a higher rate than he would like to see the colony, that is the taxpayers, give. An elector; Are you in favor of protecting local industries ?—-Mr Rolleston replied “ No.” He was a Freetrader by conviction,.and he did not think it the right thing to tax the consumers, who were many, in favor of the producers, who were few. It was a selfish policy to tax- the consumer for the benefit of the produced. He thought that taxation was is itself an evil, sad they had no right to raise tasat'on for other purposes than revenue. Ho would iike to ask the questioner..what ho thought whan the Government put a duly of 2s per too on Newcastle coal. What was the effect 1 During the time the 2a duty was imposed it put 2s 6d per ton on the poor man's coni. He would be no party to such a state of things. , , An elector asked : How is it that Newcastle coal can undersell the New Zealand article even in Temuka and Timaru—ia that not a reason for protection ?—Mr Rolleston said he did not quite understand what the question was, or how it affected our working men. For his pait it would be a great satisfaction to him to get the cheapest coal in return for the products here that were seat to Sydney. An elector asked what would bo the result if the Australian colonies were all to pursue a course of protection, end Mr Rolleston said it would be extremely undesirable to provoke the other colonies to retaliate. To this district it was of the greatest importance, and they should do their utmost to facilitate freetrado between the two colonies.

Mr Lee asked whether Mr Rolleston was in favor of any person who wss a Govormeot sarvant, or who was in receipt of emoluments from Government, being dismissed when he filed, and would he move in that direction! —Mr Rolleston said that the law provided that when a civil servant filed his schedule he should be struck off the list.

Mr Twomey asked Mr Rolleston how he could explain why we send about £200,000 worth of good* more to protected Victoria than we do to trade New South Walea I—Mr Rolleston •aid it was difficult to e&y what causes trade to flow to a particular place.. Hs had no knowledge of the fact mentioned by Mr Twomey, but he had no doubt it was as stated. The reason he did not pro fess to .explain, because be nonld have to enquire into the subject. Mr Twomey asked whether Mr Rolleston could sxplain why Victoria wss more prosperous than New South Wales f— Mr Rolleston said he was not prepared to admit that such was the caae.

Mr Twomey asked whether Mr Rolleston knew that the rate of wage* was higher in Victoria than in New South Wales, but he was interrupted with criea of “ The other way*”and “No, no.” . No other questioners came forward, and the Chairman, after a few remarks, said it was usual for son# one to propose a vote of thanks to the member for hi* address* TOTES Of THANKS AND CONFIDENCE, After a considerable pause Mr Twomey get up and aaid that as it bad appeared that some thought he had been actuated by hostility to Mrßolleston that light—(Mr Rollosion, the Chairman, and others ; “No, no.”)—he would propose the vele. He must toll them that he did not do so heartily. (Great uproar and cries of “ Sit down then.”) He rose to propose a vote of thanks to, and confidence in, Mr Rol* lanton, but for reasons he would explain lie did not propose it heartily, (iler<there were cries of “ Wed, don’t do h then,” and great uproar, amid which Mr W. G. Rutland sprang on the platform, and Mr Twomey, finding he could no continue and give hie reason*, sat down)'

Mr Rutland said ; Mr Clmirmaa and gentlemen electors, 1 will do so heartily myself. I rise to propose a hearty vote of thanks to, and confidence in, Mr Rolieston for hiejrfdr«Si this evening and for his *or»iO*4P«ifc#ing the time he has been our meiiibVr? (Qfiat applause). Mr Lee; I' second the motion. -We have got a good man, one who always gives a courteous answer to bis questioners. In seconding the motion I wish to say that Mr Rolieston is about aa good a man as we could get, and I hope that he will be long spared to represent us. On the Chairman asking if there was any amendment, MrTwomey said be had one to propose. Great nproar ensued, and on peace again being restored, Mr Twomey assured the meeting that there was nothing offensive in It. As he could not obtain a hearing, the amendment was handed to the Chairman, who read it to the meeting. It was as follows :—“ But at the same time thia meeting wish him to understand that tha electors of this district are convinced that to establish a National Bank is the best means of relieving depression." No one rose to second tbs amendment, and the vote was then put and carried with three cheers, some of those present striking up “For' he’s a jolly good fellow."

Mr Rolieston proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman for his services (Hat evening, and this having bees carried.the meeting terminated.