THE HON. W. ROLLESTON AT TEMUKA.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1349, 4 June 1885, Page 2

THE HON. W. ROLLESTON AT TEMUKA.

The Hoo. W. Rollcston, M.H.R. for Geraldine, addressed his constituents in the Volunteer Hall, Torauka, last Tuesday evening. Although the hall was not quite full when Mr Rolleston commenced to speak, by eight o’clock it was packed. Mr John Talbot (the Chairman of the Geraldine County Council and Tenmka Hoad Board) took the chair, and in Ins introductory remarks explained that he did so owing to (ho unavoidable absence of Mr K. F, Gray, Chairman of the Ternnka Town Board. He felt sure that Mr Rolleston would be accorded a fair and impartial hearing. INTRODUCTORY, Mr Rolleston (who was loudly applauded) then came forward and said • Mr Chairman and gentlemen ; Since last I had the pleasure of addressing you in th's Hall a very eventful period has passed over our heads. History has been making itself both m and out of the colony. The events that have taken place outside of this colohy haye, more than at any other period of history, been of a character which have bffught home to our minds our connection with the Old Country, as.a section of a large family of the human race, with the samesympathies, the same language, and the same destinies. WAR IN EGYPT.

First to one’s mind will occur the unhappy condition of affairs in Egypt, where war has been going on at the cost of many millions, and much human life. It was, 1 think, unhappy, in its inception, unhappy in its conduct, and unhappy in its results. We have watched its progress with much interest; we daily looked for tidings of one who was a prominent figure in it all, treading ,the solitary path of duty animated with the heroism,' and inspired with the faith which in old days subdued kingdoms and wrought righteousness ; and there has been no one amongst ns who has not felt a thrill of pride in reading of the life, and a pang of pam on hearing of the death, of the hero of modern times General Gordon. (Great applause.) The war, however, has not affected us only as a matter of feeling. The question of Imperial Federation as well as the federation of the group of the colonies in this heraisphe'e was occupying the minds of the statesmen of England as well as those of the Australian Colonies. Both were seeking to promote some system of Federation of the Empire when events, marching quicker than their thoughts, showed how strong the union between England and thecolonies really was in the hour of danger and difficulty. To the colony of New South Wales has fallen the honor of first giving practical expression to the feeling in a manner which all colonists felt a common pride in, and which has done more to cement together the Empire than any other event in its history. THE RUSSIAN DIFJTCULTT. Again {the imminence of a collision with Russia has brought home to us the necessity for some well organised system of internal defences as well as some well defined understanding with the Home Country as to protection by the British Navy on the ocean.

J ~ ~ DEPRESSION. Leaving the question of peace and war, it is not difficult to see the extent to which our trade and commerce has bej>n affected by the low prices, and the general depression which has prevailed in Great Britain ; nor is it without interest to watch the developement of those organisations which are discussing the relations of capital and labor in the industrial progress of the world, coupled with the uneven distribution of wealth. Read the reports of the Industrial Conference in England, attended by Ministers of the Crown and all classes of the country, and tell me whether they have not a practical bearing on our future legislation in respect of our lands and our education—the two questions most affecting our future well-being. Again, in the matter of immigration. The struggle for existence is daily becoming more tierce in the Old Country and the destination of its '‘surplus population will surely be to our shores. It is our business to prepare for it. It may be, as some affirm, that the evils which now appear so prominently are no greater than they have been in past times; but the cultivated intelligence of the people is greater ; it is progressing and must progress with the spread of education, and the determination to remedy these evils is greater, and will ultimately prevail over all difficulties. We have here signs of the old foes with new faces. In a country teeming with food and all the productions which make life easy, with a mere handful of people in o country as large as Great Britain, we are not without want and suffering. We hear the wave lapping on our shores, which tells of distant but impending storms : yet we hear the study of these social problems, these rocks ahead, sneered at as abstract questions, and the efforts of those who, like myself, have, in a small way, endeavored to shape our course to stem the evils of over-borrowing, land-monopoly, and speculation, which are largely the source of these troubles, stigmatised as “idle fads” and “unmitigated humbugs.” FEDERATION. Reverting back to Federation, to which I alluded in my opening remarks, there are those who look upon this question as in the impractical region of “ fads.” Fad is a short word, which in these days, when the tendency is to look upon everything from the paying point of view and to regard the world as “ knitted together by invoices and bills of exchange,” is used to express a contempt for anything the people who use it do not think will pay, or which they do not understand. Federation, on the other hand, is a long word, variously understood and interpreted. 1 do not pretend to have thought it out in all its hearings, hut I certainly do not regard it as a “ fad,” Looking at it from a trade point of view, is it not our interest that England and her colonies should be drawn together 1 7rade follows the flag, ns Mr Poster has well shown. Do you suppose we can afford with borrowed capital to the extent of £70,000,000 to neglect our interchange of trade which represents that borrowed capital ? To show that the trade follows the flag, iu 1883 English exports to France were 16s per head cfthe population ; to Austrn- j lasia, £9 16s per head ; to America, 15s per head ; to Canada, 45s j per head. America, though Englishspeaking, is not under the English flag. To talk of isolating ourselves, of “paddliag our own canoe/* is to my mind a folly.

We do not want Federation like the American States or Canada ; we do not want any surrender of our individuality as New Zealanders, or of the control of our affairs; nor, as I think, do we want a corner in the British Parliament. But we want such an alliance—if you like that name better—between a people with common language, common interests, common sympathies, common institutions, as will tend to our common peace and progress in the path of civilisation. The primary results will be the maintenance of peace—no mean result by itself—and the fostering of commercial enterprise in all the adjuncts of civilisation. Mr Gladstone, speaking of it, estimates the number of English-speaking people to be now 100 millions. One hundred years ago it was 15 millions ; 100 years hence it will be 1000 millions; and ho says, speaking to an American, “ the future of the world belongs to us, who are of the same blood and language, if we are true to ourselves and to our opportunities ; not of conquest or aggression, hut of commercial developement and beneficial influence.” To gain it (this common alliance) will need no preterhuman strength or wisdom; to miss it will require some portentous degeneracy. With regard to Australasian Federation, and the constitution of a Federal Council, ns suggested at a meeting of delegates held at Sydney in December, 1883, you are aware that a Bill was prepared to give legislative powers to suit a Council in respect of certain subjects, viz., the relation of Australasia with the Islands of the Pacific ; the Enforcement of Criminal Process ; General Defences, and ft number of other questions of common interest and importance to the several colonies: largely matters in respect of which really fresh powers would accrue to the colonies. This Bill is now before the British Parliament, objected to, however, by New South Wales and New Zealand, whose Governments are averse to legislative powers being given, even with the limitations proposed. As Sir Julius Yogel expresses it, the desire is that the Council should only be a legalised Convention, without final powers of legislation. For my own parti see no objection to the Bill so long as the subjects are limited on which the Council can legislate. The Bill may pass the British Parliament with a clause enabling any colony to withdraw from the Federation if it pleases ; but it is understood that our present Government will not recommend its adoption unless it contains a clause providing that every legislative enactment of the Council must be adopted by the Legislature of each Colony before it has any force in that colony. Anyhow, the question of common defences and the permission of convict settlements in these seas seem to me of such importance as to call for such a Council as shall be able to press upon the Home Authorities the common desires of the Australasian Colonies, with a force which we know from experience they would not attach to individual represeula-

tions. DEFENCE. The question of Defence and the action of the Government in the recess will no doubt come under review during next session. Nearly two years ago the late Government had taken action to provide for defence on a systematic plan, by the appointment of Major Oautley, and his work has no doubt enabled the present Government to proceed with the internal defence of the harbors on some fixed plan. How far they were justified in going beyond this without calling Parliament together it is premature to form a judgment. While it- is the business of Her Majesty’s Opposition to criticise freely every act of the Government, the adoption of responsibility in the presence of possible national disaster is not that which should be turned to party advantage. (Hear, hear.) The Government will have plenty of sins to answer for which do not come in that category. Our intension was to proceed deliberately. I fear the action of the Government will partake of “ raw haste, which is the half sister of delay*” and will be somewhat expensive. The fortifying of our harbors, the proper organisation of our Volunteer Forces on an efficient basis, and the arrangement for ocean defence, by what has been described by Sir George Grey as a navy “supported by contributions from the colony but absorbed and identical with that of Great Britain” are the principal points which have to be provided for. GENERAL. Owing to the events more immediately under our own notice, it is idle to ignore the existence of very wide-spread depression. It is an ostrich-like proceeding not to recognise facts and to see how far those facts and circumstances are dependent on causes over which wo have control. Where the remedy lies with ourselves, either wholly or in part, it is our business to grapple with our difficulties. The country is as good as ever it was. God’s sun shines, the rain falls, sometimes a little more and sometimes a little less than we like, but at the present time, in common with the rest of the world, we are suffering from causes over which we have no control; which time will remove, but which are not dependent on the coming or going out of Ministries. It is not in the power, even of Sir Julius Vogel, by coming to New Zealand, to raise the price of wheat and wool in England. Christchurch received him with flags flying and with bands playing, “ See the Conquering Hero Comes.” He really believed himself a conquering hero. “Confidence, confidence,” was his cry. He tells the people of Dunedin: “A year ago the depression was intense—property was unsaleable an astonishing dearth of energy and enterprise prevailed ! Now the cloud was. lifted ! As a whole New Zealand is a very prosperous country, notwithstanding the dozing of the late Government.”—(A voice ; That is what Major Atkinson used to say.)—“l have given you,” he says, “ a glass of ale, and you are returning to robust health.” How far this revival has taken place you, gentlemen, can judge for yourselves. His glass of ale is to my mind a somewhat frothy mixture. We want no Dutch courage, We have stout hearts and willing hands and we will work out our qwn salvation. There are causes, however, which are aggravating and will continue to aggravate our troubles, and which are under our own control. The first is the over borrowing, public and private ; and the next Is the speculation and monopoly in land, closely connected with the borrowing which has shut up large tracts of country aud prevented the gradual spread of settlement. These are causes which

have acted strongly in this district. The accumulation of capital in the Old, Country and the fatal facility of borrowing is a new feature in modern times. It is this more than anything else that interferes wi th the healthy working of our free institutions in Parliament; it is this that has disturbed the healthy relations of laud, labor, and capital ; it is this that is making half our population the slaves of the money-lending corporations —and a landlordism as bad, if not worse than any of former ages. The people have themselves, and not the moneylenders, to blame. A man whose resources warrant him in taking up 100 acres lakes up 200. He borrows and pays high rates of interest; bad harvests and low prices embarrass him ; the payment of interest comes round periodically with unerring certainty. He holds his land at a rate of interest which its producing power does not warrant. The interest of the moneylending corporation and speculators is to maintain the fictitious value of real property. This can only be done by further borrowing of public money, and the result is a reaction such as took place at the last elections, in the interest of property, and the maintenance of a fictitious prosperity. Let us see how this worked out last session, The late Government had reduced the expenditure of borrowed money from two millions a year to about one million a year, with great difficulty. The country was feeling the cessation of this expenditure, especially in districts like this where no borrowed money was being expended, and there was a disposition to economy among a large number of members, which prevented proposals for fresh direct borrowing to a greater extent than one and a-hal£ millions. But what did we do 2 We authorised a larger amount of borrowing direct and indirect than had ever been contemplated in previous years. To my mind this indirect borrowing by side winds is the more dangerous of the two, because more insidious. Among the proposals was that for the construction of the East and West Coast Kailway, involving the expenditure of at least one and a-half millions of money besides a bonus of land, equal to 50 per cent of the cost of the railway. The evils of this proposal were exposed in the amendment proposed by Mr Bryce that “It is not expedient to alienate vast tracts of public land and mineral property of unknown value, to a private company as a premium for engaging in railway speculation in New Zealand.” The Bill varied the “ Railways Construction Act” in that it gives 50 per cent of land instead of 30 per cent, and this is to be given not on the basis of a cost of £SOOO a mile, but on the total cost of the line within the limit of £1,500,000. Returns showed that land was not really available within the limit of the 15 miles prescribed by the Act, that could properly be said to derive special benefit from the line, and a large part of the land on the West Coast was auriferous, and no auriferous land should be alienated. Well, gentlemen, my belief is, and I expressed the opinion when I saw you last, that it would be better to give a million of subsidy towards the construction of the line than to enter into such a contract as was proposed. It cannot but lead to endless difficulties. As to the route, my view has always been that it should go by way of the Waiau, and it was in that belief that the railway northwards was pushed on to the Red Post. But the main objection to this and other Bills involving indirect borrowing by Harbor Boards and District Railway Companies is that sooner or later that liability will be pressed on the colony, and the liability will be a larger one, inasmuch as the rate of interest at which the Companies and Boards can borrow is greater than that at which the colony can borrow. As a matter of fact, the borrowing through Companies is in a very real sense colonial indebtedness ; in that the interest has to*be paid out of the productions oi the colony. The District Railway proposals show what we may expect will be the issue of all those indirect borrowings for harbors and other purposes whenever the works involve taxation and don’t pay. These proposals involved a charge of some £600,000 on the colony for works entered upon at the instance of sections of the public in the interest mainly of landholders or Companies, who as soon as the shoe pinched, pressed the acceptance by the colony of the liability, after obtaining all they desired in the increased value of their properties. The pressure that was brought on the Government was very great, and its existence really depended upon the passing of these and a number of other proposals for harbor works and services. FINANCE. With regard to the current financial proposals there is no doubt the Treasurer had a difficult taslr, and he performed it with characteristic boldness. From a falling off in the Customs and in the Railway Revenue we met the House with a deficit of £150,000. Ha determined al once to relieve the permanent charges by paying the Sinking Fund out of loan instead of out of revenue to the extent of the £240,000, and to relieve the Property Tax by £150,000, or nearly one-half, thus leaving a nominal surplus for the year of some £60,000. The whole proposals seem to me to be conceived in the spirit of putting off the evil day, and in the meantime of relieving the property classes of their fair share of the public burdens. Not less than £30,000 or £40,000 were thus put into the pockets of the monetary corporations and the foreign capitalists who who are lending money in this country, and drawing very high rates

of interest. THE LAND. The Land Bill of last session was mainly one of details, and did not go back upon the main principles of the legislation introduced by myself on the subject. We are promised a consolidation of the existing Land Laws, and I am glad to think that the Attorney-General as well as the Minister of Lands held views which are not likely to favor speculation or monopoly. So far as I can gather from the Gazettes and the public papers the settlement of land has been pressed on during the recess. With regard to Mr Ballance’s proposals for special settlements, they are no doubt conceived with a desire to promote settlement, but I am bound to confess that they seem to me outside the spirit, if not the letter of the existing law, and I have grave misgivings as to whether they will not defeat his object. I do not think substitutes ” were ever content plated in the provisions for special settle? ments, and the regulation seems to me to foster the creation of a class of middlemen between the Government and the

lona fide settlers, who may be as objectionable as any other speculators. The main principle of all the Land Legislation which I introduced was that the State should deal directly with the occupier, whether freeholder or leaseholder, and that no one should interfere, thereby getting profit out of the trrnsaction. Why, for instance, if a Canterbury man should desire to settle on land in the Forty Mile Bush (where is the best unsold Crown Lands in the colony) should he have to become a member of a small Association in the Wairarapa. The regulations as they stand will, 1 feel sure require Iqgal sanction, and I hope the experiment will be limited in its operations. On the question of the distribution of the population depends the solution of a number af difficulties, You don’t want to look far to see the evil of land monopoly. On this largely depends the strain which now' presses on farmer and laborer alike. We are growing double the quantity of grain per acre that is grown in Australia, and yet it is said the cost of production is too great to admit of growing grain with profit. The uncertainty of climate no doubt militates rgainst us as compared with Australia, but there are other causes at work. If the farmer cannot afford to give the rate of harvest wages, which for good men amounts to about 12s per day, the laborer under present circumstances cannot live on leas. In many parts of the country the work is done by a wandering population, who have no homes over their heads but the Accommodation House; living, I may say, in single cursedness—(Laughter, and a voice: “Quite true I”—without do* mestic or social life, and without the means of profitably employing themselves when not working for farmers. Take the case of last harvest, when good men were earning from 12s to 14a a day in fine weather ; but in many cases men did not average more than half that amount—and that for only a short period of the year—and where there were families they were driven into the suburbs of the town and had to pay high rents. It was to meet this evil that I adopted the plan of perpetual leasing, which, whore it is in force secures at any rate a portion of the Grown Lands against the land speculators and absentees in favor of the actual occupiers. It is working well where it is in force, and I trust its operation will be extended by the present Government over the Crown Lands that still remain. You will perhaps say; “What is to be done in districts where no Crown Lands remain 1 There are few districts in which something cannot be dons—as has been done in this district by cutting up the reserves, but it rests with the people themselves to do a great deal more, It is of little use to cry to Jupiter—Cooperation and Organisation art your watchwords. Here and elsewhere there are bodies of men associated together for various social purposes. Why should they not add to their functions some provision for the settlement of (heir members upon land, upon the same principle that is adopted by Building Societies 2 There is no body of men who have done more good than Temperance Societies. (Hear, hear, and applause.) let us ask them whether they could not do something by saying to the people: “We make provision for buying land for settlement by weekly or monthly contributions.” What is to become of men who have no home but the Accommodation House : no domestic life 2 How are they to resist the temptation of drink 2 Of the Churches I would ask the same question. Could they do nothing to promote these organisations 2 1 would go to the holders ot large properties whose work is done by nomad gangs of single men, and I would say : “ There is growing up a feeling of class animosity which will prove very injurious hereafter to the interests of property. Can you do nothing 2” To all classes 1 would say : “Let us do what we can to prevent a generation passing away in single decrepitude, the inmates of our hospitals and charitable

institutions.” NATIVE POLICY. In connection with this Land Question, there is no question of more importance than the Native Policy of the Govern-,, ment. It is to some extent incidental to our form of Government that when one party goes out of office the incoming ministers think it necessary to make apparent a different policy from that of their predecessors. I had hoped that this would nor, have been the case with the Native Policy of Mr Bryce, which was so successful, and I hope that the reports of speeches of the present Native Minister are inaccurate. The late Government had come to the conclusion that the good of the colony, no less than the interests of the Natives, required a complete change from the old style of dealing with native lands, and v/ere prepared to introduce a Bill to permit the disposal of native land only through the Land Boards of the colony, or by direct sale to the Crown, and the continuation of the Northern Trunk Line was to be concurrent with the establishment of this policy. The Land Department had strained every nerve to get the surveys sufficiently completed to bring the titles before the Land Court, and everything was in a'fair'way for introducing this policy and opening the lands for settlement. IE it be true (as the papers report) that the surveyors are stopped and that Mr Ballance proposes to bring in the operation of the Native Committees in respect to title and ' then to allow direct dealings between. Natives and Europeans, then I can only say tint the settlement of the Native Question is indefinitely postponed. I have no desire to see a Native landlordism established. I fear too, judging from newspaper reports, that the o*d personal Government idea is again coming up, and that the Native Minister is trying to govern by concessions and dealing with the Natives by promises such as ore made by some M.H.R.’s to their constituents. (Laughter.) The last few years have taught the Natives to believe that what a Minister says will be done, but I doubt much whether Parliament will agree to ratify such promises as are recently reported to hive been made. This will cause much distrust in future. the coming; session. During the approaching session we are promised legislation for a Reform of Local Government; for a Reform of the Upper House, and for a Reform of the Railway Management. To my mind the' tyhole question of Local Government is one of finance ; f‘ assured finance” is the phrase. The question of whether the Road Board form of Government or the County form is to be in the ascendant is one which must be left to settle itself in different circumstances. There are some parts of the

country which would not give up the County form, while others would not give up the Road Board form. The law as it stands gives ample power for an exercise of option. It we were bound to have a uniform system I would say take the Road Board as the unit ; do not give as great facilities as now for alteration of boundaries and disintegration, and create a Board of Works composed of the Chairman of these Road Boards. Ido not see any pressing need for change of the existing law, and I am sure that no change will be satisfactory which does not relieve the ratepayer from putting his hand in his pocket (Hear, hear), but this is impossible. 1 have bo doubt that long ere this Sir Julius Vogel and Mr Stout have repented of their promises to introduce this Bill, One thing is clear to me, that when opening Crown Lands for sale the Land Department should form the roads in the first instance instead of handing the money over to the Road Boards for the puipose, the money may be spent in existing roads; and there are roads which no local bodies will ever maintain. For instance Westport road, Nelson and Buller, and some others. THE UPPER HOUSE. With regard to,the Reform of the Upper House, I am of opinion that the change indicated of shortening the time for which Legislative Councillors are to be appointed has much to recommend it. That some change is required has been felt for along time. What L cannot understand, and what I think calls for a good deal of explanation, is the fact that the Government on the eve of making such a change should have thought fit to advise such a number of fresh appointments, thus involving a large additional annual expenditure. RAILWAY BOARDS. We have no definite information as to the constitution of the Railway Boards, and I do not myself see how they will work, 1 can only say that any measure of the kind will have my careful attention. After thanking the audience for their kindness in giving him such a patient hearing Mr Rolleston sat down amidst applause. QUESTIONS. The following questions were then replied to j Mr Qoodey—Will Mr Rolleston be Jin favor of and support Mr Stout’s Bill to stop avaricious landlords from entering a man’s house and seizing the last bed from his wife and family ?—Mr Rolleston said from what Mr Goodey said he would heartily support such a measure. Mr Goodey—Will Mr Rolleston be in favor of cutting up school reserves on which at the present time are only running a few sheep, and throwing them open for settlement ?—Mr Rolleston said he was very much in favor of doing so. In bis opinion the school reserves should be utilised for settlement to the utmost. In some cases it bad not been done so owing to the obstructiveuess of the School Commissioners, but he trusted that in these oases Government would move in the matter. Mr Mason —As according to the present Act of those persons summoned as jurvmen only those who actually serve as jurymen in the Courts are paid, will Mr Rolleston be in favor of paying all jurors who have to attend the Court, whether they serve as jury men or not?—M Rolleston said he did not think any person should be compelled to give his time to the country without being paid for it. He thought if a man was summoned and attended as a juror he should be paid whether he served or not. Mr Badham—la it correct that if a customer deposits £IOO in any of the Colonial Banks, the Banks are authorised by the Government to issue £3OO in notes 2 —Mr Rolleston said he did not know. Mr Badham remarked sotto voce that he was informed by a bank manager that such was the case.

Mr Badham—-Is it fair, and what has the Bank of New Zealand done that it should be allowed to do this ?—Mr Rolleston said the Bank of New Zealand had no more rights than any of the other Banks. Mr Badham—There was a scandalous case happened the other day. A man came up the street and saluted another man who was working on the roads, A “bobby” watched the proceedings all the time, and did not interfere until a breach of the peace had been committed. He then took the offender and locked him up, and half an hour after came back and took the other (the man who was working on the road), and also locked him up in chokey. Five or six of the leading citizens of Temuka went to bail him out, but the head bobby would not allow it. Will you take such steps as are necessary to have this sort of thing altered I—Mr Bolleston said it was impossible for him to give an opinion on such hypothetical cases. Such matters ought to be dealt with judicially, and not by a Member of Parliament addressing his constituents. Mr Badham—But, Mr Rolleston, if we have a wrong it is our duty to lay it before yon, Ido do not want you to side with me, but if you enquire into the matter and find it to be as I have stated will you take steps to have that wrong redressed !—Mr Rolleston said he still held that such a case should be dealt with by the Courts and not by a Member of Parliament. He had only heard one side of the case.. Mr Badham then asked a rather personal question in regard to wheat, and the audience refused to listen to him any more ; when the Chairman asked them to give him another chance, Mr Badham—Will Mr Bolleston tell me how far the late Government took the railway into the Amuri district ?—Mr Bolleston said the late Government got the line authorised to the Bed Post, about 10 miles on the other side of the Hurunui, Mr R. Smith—Will Mr Bolleston be in favor of doing away with the Higli Schools and expending the money now

spent in supporting them on the Priinary Schools I—Mr Rolleston said lie did not Ahink the people of New Zealand were '-prepared to make education a class thing, and he thought children who entered the Primary Schools and chose to pursue education to its higher branches should be helped by the State to do so. Therefore he would not be in favor of doing away with the High Schools, t A question was handed up to the effect \ that “ Mr Rolleston not being in favdt of Defence now being carried oiit, what steps wopld be have taken in the late crisis 1 ” Mr Rolleston said the question was evidently asked under a misapprehension. K As far as he knew the system adopted wras that recommended by Major Cautley, and if it was so he had no doubt the Government were adopting a wise course.

He had no doubt they took the responsibility and acted according to the best o their ability. Mr Siegert—Are you in favor of doing away with I he Bankruptcy Act —which is the ruination of Now Zealand—or amending it so that any person who files should pay 10 ■> in the £ or be imprisoned i • -Mr Holiest on said he was not in favor of doing away with the Bankruptcy Act. In reply to Mr Lee } Mr Polleston said he was in favor of a Tenant Right Act similar to that of England. He was glad Mr Lee had referred to it. Under the provisions of the Perpetual Lease System of the late Government tenants were so secured. He hoped the Government would bring in a Bill which would secure to laborers the labor of their hands. At present there was a premium to tenants doing as little as possible on the land they occupied. lu reply to a further question by Mr Lee, Mr Rolleston said ho was in favor of encouraging the establishment of ironworks in the colony. The Government hid on two occasions given assistance to companies for promoting this object. One was at Taranaki, which did not succeed, and more latterly a lease was given to a company for works at Manukau Heads and considerable facilities were given to them to smelt iron. The last he heard of the matter was that the work was going on satisfactorily. in reply to Mr Ashwell, sent,, Mr Rolleston said he thought the sale of land at Hurunui was a great mistake, but the Ministry could not help it as the Government had insisted on it. He had always objected to the sale of pastoral land, and for his part he would not sell another acre of pastoral land in the country. Mr Lee then quoted a few of the anomalies of the present tariff on the railway, and Mr Mason explained that when ho asked the question in reference to jurors he referrad to those called in civil cases, not criminal ones. Last year great hardship had occurred to some persons who had to go into Timaru from Oran and then were not required to serve as jurymen. VOTE OF THANKS AND CONFIDENCE. Mr Twomey then proposed a vote of thanks to the Hon. Mr Rolleston for his address and of confidence in him as the representative of Geraldine. Mr Rolleston had referred in' a feeble sort of way to the fact that the local influence brought to bear upon members led to political corruption. This would last so long as they continued to borrow money, A member was no good unless he got a road or a bridge or a culvert built in his district, and in order to secure his own re-election the Member sold his vote for some local work. There was a way to avoid this. The electoral districts should be enlarged. For instance South Canterbury might be one electoral district with the same number of members. If this were so, the Member who neglected to get a bridge or a culvert built in the Waimate district, would not have it thrown in his face when became to Geraldine. Members would be more independent. and could work for the good of the colony independently of local influences. (A voice : What about the Bank Scheme.) He had originated a Bank Scheme, but the people supported him badly in it, and consequently he would not refer to it. He would now move a vote of thanks to the Hon. Mr Rolleston for his statesmanlike address, and of confidence in him as their representative. He was aware that his opponents had given him good reason to speak bitterly of them, but he had not done so. He was above retaliating on them in a spiteful manner, and had given them a statesmanlike address, entirely free from any abuse of his opponents. (Applause.) Mr Badham said he had great pleasure in seconding the motion, more especially as he had been opposed to Mr Rolleston last time. On the motion being put, it was carried without one hand being held up against it. The Hon, Mr Rolleston acknowledged the compliment, and moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which brought the proceedings to a close.