The Temuka Leader. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1885. THE NATIVE POLICY.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1306, 21 February 1885, Page 2

The Temuka Leader. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1885. THE NATIVE POLICY.

CHEAP MONEY,

In speaking at one of the Nafive meetings recently, the Native Minister said it was neither, roads nor bridges the natives objected to, but the taxes which must necessarily be paid for their construction and maintenance. As if to soft-soap the natives, he added that he did not think taxes would be imposed on land along the line of railway until it came to be cultivated. This spoken to an audience of Europeans would have very little importance. They would have taken the statement for what it was worth, and if it turned out afterwards that taxation became a necessity they would have paid it without a murmur, except perhaps a “ quiet growl ” at having been misled, Words ot this kind spoken to natives must have altogether a different effect. There is nothing better calculated to foster distrust and suspicion in the native mind than to break promises made to them, and it is a thing that ought never to occur. What Mr Ballance ought to have said under the circumstances was : “ These roads and railways will greatly enhance the value ot your land ; it will enable you to send its products to market for much less than it costs at present, and you will gain in this way ten times what you will pay in taxation. The Europeans pay rates to maintain their roads and railways, and the Maoris will find it to their own advantage to do the same.” Such a speech as this could not have failed to convince the Maoris that Mr Ballance meant what he said, and they would be able to realise their position fully. It would also, we firmly believe, force upon them the conviction that roads and railways would be worth the taxes they would have to pay, and they would eventually come round to agree to their construction. To promise that no taxes will be exacted until the land is cultivated may probably render them more acquiescent at present, but when the day comes that they must be taxed they will feel that deception has been practised upon them, and discontent will be the result. The promise which Mr Ballance has made cannot be kept, and it ought not. There is no reason on earth why land here in the South Island should pay taxes for the making of roads and railway in the North Island, while native land thus enormously enhanced in value should escape scot-free. Such a thing cannot go on always, and the sooner the natives are brought to understand it the better. But the great misfortune, and we believe the caurso of a great deal of the native difficulty, is that each succeeding Native Minister in trying to govern the natives peacefully and successfully, resort to the tricks, which, as candidates for election, they play upon Europeans, and make promises which they find afterwards cannot be kept. To keep the Maoris quiet they promise what the Maoris desire, not caring for the consequences. A more pernicious policy could not be adopted. It is calculated to make natives lose all faith in the Government ; they cannot help feeling disappointed when these promises are broken, and discontent must necessarily be the result. Sir Donald Maclean kept the Maoris quiet with blankets and sugar, but when his policy was reversed discontent became general. Mr Bryce found the natives turbulent and disloyal : but he pacified them by dealing with them firmly and justly. He was not a man to make promises to them which could not be kept, and he

succeeded in inspiring them with confidence and in restoring peace. The good effect of his policy will soon vanish if loose promises which cannot be kept are now made to them, and discontent will undoubtedly follow as a natural result. In our opinion the proper way to deal with the natives is to divide the land fairly and honestly amongst them, and try to induce them to adopt European customs as soon as possible. At present the natives bold the land in common. They live in communities, and each tribe owns a piece of land among them, but not one of the tribe has any individual title to a particular piece of it. It is evident that the natives cannot be. either thrifty or industrious while this system lasts. There is no incentive to industry when a drunken loafer reaps the reward of his neghbors’ toil as well as the industrious man who works hard all the year round. Let the land be parcelled out a mongst the natives in a fair and just manner, and the industrious among them will become prosperous and contented. Until this is done, and the Native Ministeis cease to make rash promises to them, we are bound to have trouble on our hands as regards the natives.

Mr t r . H. Newltn is determined not to allow his scheme, as he calls it, to fall through. As we pointed out a few issues ago, he lectured on the subject in North Canterbury, with the result that a Committee was formed, and inquiries made as to its practibility. In making these inquiries the Committee communicated with Messra Macandrew and Bathgate, and they recommended a National Land Bank and Bank of Issue. The Committee adopted Messrs Macandrew and Bathgate’s suggestions, «nd published a manifesto to the effect that they had formed a National Bank League. We reprinted in these columns the League’s manifesto, end gave Mr Newlyn praise for the part he had played in bringing it about. But Mr Newlyn has not been satisfied. His scheme was thrown aside, and ha set about bringing it forward again. Ho at onco called a meeting of those who have hitherto been working with him, and they passed the following resolution : “ That in the opinion of this meeting the Colonial Land Association is deserving of the thanks of colonists generally for bringing before the notice of the Government the practical suggestions embodied in the Association’s pamphlet.” Amongst the communications read at the meeting was the following letter : “ To J. H. Newlyn, Esq., “ Chertsey, Canterbury. “ Dear sir,—l am favored with yours of the 16th, and will endeavor to attend the proposed Conference if you will send me as long a notice as yon possibly can. “ The great object in view is to get the rate of interest reduced. Cheap money means development of enterprise in all directions. The existing rates are ruin to hundreds of industrious men. . . . “ Yours faithfully, “John Bathgate.’'

All this would have been right and proper only that Mr Newlyn still persists in carrying out his own views, and will not hear of any other suggestion. In this way he is sowing the seeds of dissension and division amongst the friends of the proposal to reduce the rate of interest, and thereby doing harm. His proposal is absolutely impossible. In his recent Financial Statement, Sir Julius Vogel said the average rate of interest which the Government paid was 5.33 per cent. If the Government pays over 5 per cent, interest for the money they borrow in England, how is it possible for a land company to borrow at 4 per cent, in England and lend it in the colony at 5 per cent ? The thing is impossible, and it is a pity that people should'be deluded into the belief that any good can come of it. If Mr Newlyn felt so keen an interest in the welfare of farmers as be professes he would withdraw his own views and take up the National Bank. He has done well so far, but he cannot go further now without making himself ridiculous as well as mischievous.