The Temuka Leader SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1885. THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1291, 17 January 1885, Page 2

The Temuka Leader SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1885. THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

No institution of which we have any knowledge has received more severe rebuffs during the past few years than the English House of Lords. It has lost none of its privileges it is true ; it still has the ability to obstruct popular legislation, and do other mischievous things ; but it is evidently beginning to realise that it is dangerous to go too far in the exercise of its powers and that it is wise to yield to the popular will. This was made manifest not long since by the readiness with which it assented to the Franchise .Bill, after having witnessed the indignation its rejection aroused ; but perhaps a better illustration of its complaisance may be gathered from its conduct with regard to land laws. Its members are of course almost all landlords, and they watch the interests of that class with an earnestness and zeal that would do honor to any cause. They believe, honestly no doubt, that God made the Earth for the use and benefit of landlords, and ail their thoughts and aspirations are diree'ed towards preserving to that class an exclusive right ova' it. They have succeeded in maintaining this right for a long time, and doubtless they are not going to let it slip through their fingers tor some time longer, but their power is weakening year by year, and their ability to defend their privileges is slowly but surely lessening. In 1879 Mr Gladstone succeeded in passing through the House of Commons a Bill entitled the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, This measure referred to Ireland only, and in moving it Mr Gladstone said that a famine then existed in Ireland ; that notices of evictions were falling over the whole country “ like flakes of snow that eviction amounted to a death sentence ; and that the Bill was a provisional one, so that people thrown out of their homes might have something to keep them from starving. No man living could have spoken more forcibly than Mr Gladstone did, and the House of Commons passed the measure by an immense majority. No reasonable being could say but that the Bill was an honest one. As the law stood then, if a farmer spent thousands in improving his farm and his landlord took it into his head to eject him, not one penny would he get for the improvements he had made. This was manifestly unjust, and the Compensation for Disturbance Bill was introduced to remedy this injustice. It did not matter to the House of Lords that it was just—how many died of starvation through the caprice or cupidity of a relentless landocracy never entered into their calculations—theyonly sawone thing ; That the landlords’ privileges were infringed, and they resented this invasion of their accustomed rights by rejecting the Bill. It was the rejection of this Bill by the House of Lords that led to the formation of the Land League. The Irish people despaired of ever getting justice from Parliament, and so they formed an organisation which shook landlordism to its very foundation, and frightened the House of Lords to a degree that two years afterwards they passed without a murmur the most liberal landrlaws that were ever dreamt of in the philosophy of Irish politicians. Before this Act passed, in no country were the rights of landlords more strictly enforced than in Ireland : now there is no country in which a landlord has less rights, for in fact his only right is to get his rent,J}which is fixed by a Court of Justice. The House of Lords was the cause of this Act being rendered so liberal. If they had passed the Compensation for Disturbance Bill in 1879 the Land League would never have been thought of, and the Act of 1882 would never have been pajsed. But this is not all. The introduction ot frozen meat has lowered the price of cattle and sheep in England, over-pro-duction all over the world has lowered the price of grain, and the English farmers find it difficult to pay their rents. They in their turn are getting discontented, they want protection, they want areduction in their rents, and other privileges which were never dreamt of before the Irish agitation. In Scotland the land agita.inn has reached a degree elmost as critical as ever witnessed in Ireland. The Crofters of the Island of Skye have defied the law, they have behaved so riotously that the mi Mary had to be called out, and by the last mail we learn that they have signified their intention of not paying any rent at all until they obtain a reduction. AM over Scotland the feeling is the flame. In a

recent issue of the Pail Mall Budget a repoit of an interview with Mr John Macpherson, one of the principal leaders of the agitation, appears, Mr Macpherson, like Mr Davitt, has risen from the people, and has suffered imprisonment. He says the agitation hasbeen instituted through the Irish having been so successful, and ejaculates : “ God bless the Irish for putting it into our hearts to commence this agitation.” When asked would they be satisfied with such a law as had been passed for Ireland, he replied that they would not. “What we want,” he says, “is more land. We want the large estates broken up. We have no objection to pay rents, but would prefer paying it to the Crown.” Thus what the Scotch want is to tear up landlordism root and branch. They go further than the Irish even—they want Land Nationalisation, and they are determined to get it. “We are ready,” says Mr Macpherson, “ to die fighting, if necessary,” but he added that every effort would be made to get their rights by peaceable agitation if possible. The extended franchise will give the Scotch people power to send to Parliament representatives who will make common cause with Irish members on this question, and they expect that the combined forces will be able to wring from the legislature the privileges they demand. I'hus the House of Lords’ insensibility to the sufferings of the starving and famine-stricken people of Ireland in 1879, when they refused to allow then* to enjoy the fruits of their own industry, is now recoiling on their own heads, and will in all probability end in wrecking the power which through centuries they have mercilessly used. They will have to comply with the demands of the Scottish farmers as they had to comply with those of the Irish. Mr Parnell will have at the lowest calculation 70 followers after the next election, and if these are backed up by 30 or 40 Scotch members and the dozen or so English Radicals who have always voted with the Irish, they will get anything they may reasonably demand. The English farmers will doubtless follow suit and the House of Lords will have to come down from their high horse to the level of ordinary mortals.