THE IRISH DELEGATES.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1164, 23 October 1883, Page 3

THE IRISH DELEGATES.

Messrs Redmond Broß., accompanied by Mr Walsh, were passengers by the express train to Timaru last Saturday. Mr W, E. Redmond, the younger of the two, with Mr Walsh proceeded on toDunedin, and Mr J. E. Redmond remained in Timaru. He was met by a deputation at the railway station, and driven to the Grosvenor Hotel, where he was presented with an address by the Rev Father Keane. The address was couched in most enthusiastic language, and extended a genuine Caed milk faitthe to Mr Redmond, who responded in suitable terms.

In the evening Mr Redmond delivered a lectureon 'Home' Rule in the Theatre Royal. The Rev Father Keane occupied the chair, and there was a very large audience, considering that it was Saturday night and that most of the townspeople were engagpd.

The Rev Chairman said it was a strange change for lrm from the pulpit to the theatrical stage. He {also referred to the burning question of Irish politics, and pointed out that it was oc cupjing the attention of the whole world at the present time, fie had a letter from a friend in Rome, in which it was stated that Cardinal Simione spoke of it as ' the burning Irish question.' It had been referred to in a local paper n few evenings ago, and they were there that evening to hear a lecture on Home Rule, which was the panacea for all the ills of Ireland, 'I he nubject wis misunderstood and misinterpreted, and they

had tliat, night a member of the most august body in the world—the English House of Commons—to explain to them what was meant by Home Rule. He had much pleasure in introducing Mr Redmond, Member of Parliament for New Ross.

Mr Rrdmond on stepping forward was received with great applause. He said the subject of Home Rule ought to prove of general interest. It had its attractions not only for Irishmen but also for those who wished to see the present condition of Ireland changed. It was a question which offered a temptation to appeal to the passions and imagination of an Irish audienc<*,buthe would make nosuch appeals He would speak dispassionately and impartially, and see whether the demand had not a solid foundation in theoretical reasonableness, in practical advantage, as in justice. He meant by Home Rule the restoration to Ireland of Representative Government in accordance with the constitutionally expressed will of the majority of the people, and carried out by a ministry responsible to whom they govern. In other words be meant that Ireland should be governed by the Queen Lords, and Commons of Ireland, and that all Imperial questions relating to the colonies, to Foreign States, and to the common interest of the Empire should continue to be regulated by the Imperial Parliament. They did not propose separation, and said ' retain every guarantee for the unity and strength of the empirj but give up a task which you have proved yourself imcotnpetent to fulfil. Sub-divide the labors of an overburdened Parliament and relegate to Irishmen the management of purely Irish affairs.' He:then read the programmes laid down by Mr Butt and Mr Parnell, which were to the effect that the Queen's prerogative would not be affected at all, only that on purely Irish affairs she would be guided by the advice of an Irish Ministry. All relations with foreign countries, questions of peace or war, Imperial customs, etc., would be left in the hands of England as at present and the Irish Parliament should have jurisdiction over Education, Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures, Public Works, Railways, Post-office, Corporations. Courts of Justice, Magistrates, Grand Juries and all purely Irish matters, In quoting from Mr Parnell, he said ' the Queen would be our Queen,' and that political peace would never be obtained until the Irish were treated as a free colony. Mr Redmond held that one of the essential conditions would be the preservation of the empire. The scheme was totally inconsistent with separation. It was neither communistic nor revolutionary and did n6t violate one principle of the constitution. Mr Redmond then went on to prove that the proposal was reasonable when judged by tho test of common sense, by political philosophy, and by the experience of other countries. Historically Ireland was the elder of the two nations. She could boast of having been a civilised and famous nation when England was a barbarous province of the Roman Empire. But the conditions of things were reversed, For 600 years Ireland had a Parliament to some extent subject to England. In 1782 Henry Grattah, backed by the Irish Volunteers, declared that no power on earth had the right to legislate for Ireland except the Sovereign, Lords, and Commonsof Ireland, for 18 glorious years Ireland, under an absolutely independent Parliament prospered and advanced with enormous strides in power and in prosperity. But she was robbed of her Parliament by a conspiracy that has received the scathing denunciations of all historians of all nationalities and of every shade of religious and political opinions. The union was carried by bribery, corruption, violence, and murder, and it stood today the highest political crime and blunder of the century. In the 83 years that Ireland had been ruled by Englishmen 52 Coercion Acts hrfd been passed, It was marked by half-a-dozen famines, four unsuccessful rebellions, and it necessitated the maintaining to-day of a larger army in Ireland than England had in the Crimea when she was fighting all Russia (60,000 police and military is the number now.) The English Parliament had no time to legislate for Ireland, and. common sense would say, 'Relegate to Irishmen the management of Irish affairs, which they alone can thoroughly understand.' He next quoted from Mr Freeman, the historian, to show that judged by the test cf political philosophy the proposal was reasonable, and went to show how the federal system of government had proved successful in ancient Greece, in the Netherlands in Sweden, in America, and in the British Empire. England had twenty-five dependencies, and he wondered why Australians should refuse to Ireland what they themselves acknowledged was the source of all their prosperity and loyalty. It was for his opponents to prove—if they could —that what had contributed to the prosperity and the loyalty of the colonies would have a different effect in Ireland. Deprive a man of the right to govern himself and if he submit you turn him into a slave. You kill in him all genius, talent, enterprise energy arid all interest in life. Treat a nation similarly and you make them reckless, ruin their self reliance, their energy and industry, and this was the position of Ireland. It was not because Irishmen were unfitted for self government. Every page historians had written with regard to the 18 years Ireland had an ! independent parliament showed she advanced in prosperity, and presents to the gaze of the world aud the admiration of posterity a galaxy of great men whose names would last as lonp as the English tongue._ The speaker then showed how impossible it was for the Imperial Parliament to get through all the work it had in hand, and pointed out that Englishmen and Scotchmen who did not know anything about Irelpnd ruled her. Every official from the Viceroy downwards was either an Englishman or a Scotchman. In every constitutionally governed country in the world ministers of the Crown represented the will of the majority of the people and had their confidence. In Ireland a man must hold views notoriously opposed to those he is going to govern, before he can get into office. Could it be wondered at if Ireland was discontented under these circumstances. He next pointed out that every interest in Ireland would be benefitted by the change and quoted as follows from Sir George Grey :-Give Ireland a state legislature and a state executive in Dublin, secure thereby the residence of its ablest men in the country ; open a fair field as ministers, legislators, orators,

to its bo-t ii <i wises', men. afford from the same S'>itrr-e, as would necessarily and certainly be done, occupation to Irish architects, cculptors p-tinters, and secure o resident aristocracy of worth, talent and wisdom, and you will at tho same time restore the wealth, trade, and commerce of Dublin and Ireland. Dumb Ireland will then speak again, Half inanimate Ireland will again awaken to National life and breathe the breath of hope and freedom. Whlist by again accustoming the Irish people to the management of their own affairs and to the administrative duties of the highest order, a willing people will be educated in ihat political knowledge which will enable them to put an end to the ills which afflict them, ' the cause and cure of which none can understand so well as themselves.' He also quoted from Mr Leckie, the historian, to the same effect, and from Mr-ljerben Gladstone, son of the English Premier. Mr Herbert Gladstone said the form of Government in Ireland was as , had as it could be, and that it was the worst form of Government to be found in Europe. Mr Gladstone also favored Home Eule for Ireland. Mr Redmond quoted from Mr Chamberlnin, one of the Gladstone Ministry, to the effect that as long as the Irish people were shut out from taking a portioD of the management of their own affairs so long would tho seed of discontent and disloyalty remain, only to burst out into more luxuriant growth on the first favorable opportunity. After summing up his arguments he pro-, eeoded to answer some arguments against Home Rule. The first was that if Ireland got Home Rule, total separation would be demanded the day after. Why did not Ireland separate from England now ? He fancied he heard that it was because she was prevented by England's Army and her Navy, He would reply to that, that England's power, her-Army and her Navy, would remain after Home Rule had been granted to i Ireland, and they would be just as potent to prevent separation. The great bulk of the Irish people do not desire separation, and in five years time if Home Rule were granted to Ireland the most extreme man in it would be contented and loyal. The second objection was that Scotland was < contented with the Union. Scotland does not demand Home Rule, and he believed if she did she would get it ; but that did not prove that Home Rule is not good for Ireland. Scotland has been ruled by Scotchmen. He had never seen a Bill receiving the support of a majority of Scotchmen that was not carried into law ; the Government officials in Scotland were Scotchmen, but in Ireland they were not Irishmen ; and besides this he believed that before long Scotland would demand and get the privileges they were now asking for Ireland. He then referred to the necessity for funds to carry on the agitation. He pointed out that nothing was ever achieved eicept by lich and powerful organisations, and it was for this purpose l the money was being collected, He went on to express a wish that what he had said would have the effect of removing some of the prejudices that were raised against the proposal. Ireland alone could cure her own malady. Shakespeare had made Macbeth ask the physician, ' Canst thou not minister to a mind diseased,' etc., and the Physician made answer and said ' Therein the patient must minister to herself.' So they said of Ireland. Ireland's malady had baffled all the most skilful political physicians of England. Ireland's hope is now in herself. Ireland herself must minister to herself. She must bind up her own wounds and cure her own diseases. The vital force which lived through seven centuries of oppression still animates our race. The simple, kindly nature, the indomitable courage which made Ireland the centre of civilisation in the far off ages of the past, are not yet extinct. Give them free scope, give them the bracing influence of a free Constitution, and before a single generation has passed away the long and heavy ages of bitterness and strife and hatred will be forgotten, and Ireland—the Ireland of our hopes and tears and prayers—will have entered on a new era of liberty, prosperity and peace. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Mr J D Kett said he had much pleasure in moving— 1 That this meeting approves of the principles of Home Rule as> explained by Mr Redmond, and that a subscription list be opened to aid the Irish National League in obtaining tho necessary reforms for Ireland.' This was seconded by Mr T. O'Driscoll, and carried unanimously. A collection was then made, and the meeting terminated.