IRISH TREATY

Taranaki Daily News, 16 December 1921, Page 5

IRISH TREATY

PARLIAMENT OPENS. SPEECH BY THE KING, “JOY AT AGREEMENT.” A HOPEFUL TONE. By Talegrspb.—Press Assn—Copyright. London Dee. 14. Most intense interest was displayed in the opening of the historic session of Parliament, which the King carried out with full ceremonial. Record crowds lined the route from Buckingham Pa'ace. The weather was foggy. The Queen «nd Princess Mary accompanied the King, and were escorted by the Life Guards in f ill peace time regimentals. The massed Guards’ bands played the ‘’National Anthem” as the King reached St. Stephens. In the House of Lords there was a full attendance of the diplomatic corps, including the Ministers for Germany and Austria. As representing republican States they wore no decorations. Mr. Lloyd George, on leaving Downing Street for Parliament, received a tumultuous ovation. The King, addressing the Lords and members of the House of Commons, said:— "We have summoned you to meet at this unusual time in order that the articles of agreement signed by our Ministers and the Irish delegation may at once be submitted for your approval. No other business will be brought in the present session. “It was with heartfelt joy I learned of the agreement reached after negotiations protracted for many months, and affecting the welfare, not only of Ireland but of the British and Irish races throughout the world. It is my earnest hope that by the articles of agreement now to be submitted to you the strife of centuries may be ended and that Ireland, as a free partner in the Commonwealth of Nations forming the British Empire will secure the fulfilment of her national ideals.”

After this brief speech the Royal party returned to the Palace amid continuous cheers.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. ADDRESS IN REPLY DEBATE. INFLUENCE OF THE KING. SPEECH BY MR. LLOYD GEORGE. Received Dec. 15, 5.5 p.m. London, Dec. 14. The House of Commons was crowded when it te-assembled after the King’s Speech, and when Mr. Lloyd George entered he was received with loud cheers from all parts. Colonel Sir S. Ho are (Coalition-Union-ist) moved the Address in Reply, stating that the House was ready to consider and confirm the Irish agreement and offer the King humble congratulations on the work of reconciliation to which His Majesty so largely contributed. Colonel Hoare expressed the hope that with Irish peace established Royal influence would be further strengthened by a Royal residence in Ireland. It was evident that Mr. De Valera and his “die-hards” did not regard the treaty as a British surrender.

Colonel Hoare added "We wish to be friends and not enemies of Ireland. After generations of attempts to settle the Irish question it has been left to the King tcfind a better and surer way to peace than t y the sword. We are making peace, not because we were forced to do so, but because we wanted a permanent peace. Though thankful to be on the right road to peace, we reclined that a controversy of eight centuries could not be ended by means of a Parliamentary resolution. The Irish Free State had a difficult task ahead to consolidate new and stable government after centuries of agitation and unrest. The wreckers in Dublin are busy attacking the peace; let the House of Commons not miss the more difficult task of goodwill.” Mr. G. N. Barnes (Coalition-Labor) seconding, said they had made up their minds that Irishmen and Britons in future would live on the same terms of amity as existed between the Dominions and Britain.

Mr. J. R. Clynes (Leader of the Parliamentary Labor Party) said he regarded the treaty as a lasting and beneficient settlement of a trouble which had lasted for generations. PREMIER S SPEECH.

Mr. Lloyd George said the articles of the agreement had been received everywhere with satisfaction, and had been joyfully acclaimed throughout the Dominions and by the Allies. The two great races had decided to work together in partnership and he appealed to members to say nothing during the debate which would endanger their lasting friendship. The main operation of the scheme was to give Ireland a Dominion status —a Free State within the Empire, with common citizenship, owing and swearing allegiance to the King.

The Irish would rule their own hearths, finance and legislation. In connection with foreign affairs it was well to remember that Britain's sole control in this was vested in the Empire as a whole, and Ireland would share in the rights and responsibilities of the Empire, participating

with the other Free States in discussions regarding Empire policy. Ireland's history had to be considered in addition to its constitution and temperament, and it would be useless to apply Dominion home rule in a general case. We had also to consider the religious animosity and the new fuel which recent events bad added to old flames. The greatest difficulties concerning Ulster did not arise in connection with other Dominions.

If the state of things marking the last few years continued we would have all Ireland'* youth trained as soldiers, and therefore, in the interests of the Entire and Ireland, a limit had been proposed to armaments. The whole forces in Ireland would not exceed 40,000. Referring to the navy, the Premier said Ireland would never be likely to raise a formidable navy. Ireland would take a share in defending her coast and helping us to defend ours but the defence of these islands must be left to the British Navy. On the question of tariffs they were reluctant that Ireland should have the right to put a tariff on British goods, but it

must be remembered that Ireland was more dependent on Brtiish trade than Britain was dependent on Ireland. NOT COERCING ULSTER. They were arguing with Ulster, not coercing. All they were doing was to recommend Ulster to accept the principle of an tll-Ireland Parliament. She had the option of joining or remaining as she was. It was proposed to establish a boundary commission, and no one could say whether Ulster’s boundary would be increased or diminished. The wishes of the inhabitants would be considered. The Crown foices would be withdrawn from Ireland when a provisional Government was estabLshed. It had been said the problem might have been settled a year ago, but wise statesmanship was knowledge of the right time to settle. He did not believe this could have been done twelve months ago, for public opinion was not ripe. The present agreement brought credit and strength to the Empire. In future our peril would be Ireland’s, and our victory her glory. (Cheers.) Sir Donald McLean (Deputy-Leader of the Liberal Party) paid a tribute to Mr. Lloyd George on emerging from his great-_-°t ordeal with a spirit characteristic of 111 the great efforts he had undertaken in national affairs. Captain C. C. Craig (Unionist), speaking as leader of the Ulster members of the House of Commons, pointed out that the treaty was not one between Britain and Ireland, but between Britain and Southern Ireland. Ulster had no part in it, and repudiated it so far as her own area was concerned. The Sinn Fein oath in the document was not worth the paper on which it was written. It was legislation of treason. Ulster had been subjected to every sort of coercion except the sword. The Press campaign was fed and organised by the Government, and it was one of the most disgraceful things in modern times. UPROAR IN THE HOUSE. Lord Hugh Cecil (Coalition-Unionist) said he could not believe in any probability that the present plan of Irish government would succeed, and he thought the methods whereby the agreement was reached deserved the censure of Parliament. Sir J. G. Butcher (Coalition-Unionist) said he could not support the treaty, because it was a surrender to crime. Mr. J. H. Thomas (Labor) created a storm by demanding: “Who started the rebellion in Ireland, and who first imported arms?” (Unionist shouts of “Order” and “Withdraw”.) “I have been listening to Lord Carson’s speech, which is most mischievous. If anyone ought to be impeached for treason it is that noble lord.” (Loud cries of “Withdraw” and “Sit down”.) The chfjnber was in an uproar. Mr. Thomas refusing to sit down, the Speaker ruled him out of order.

A DIEHARD AMENDMENT. In the House of Commons, Colonel Gretton will submit an amendment to the Address-in-Reply, regretting a settlement involving the surrender of the Crown’s rights in Ireland, giving power to establish an independent army and navy, requiring further sacrifices from Ulster, and not safeguarding the rights of Southern loyalists. HOUSE OF LORDS DEBATE. APPROVAL OF THE TREATY. PROTEST BY ULSTER LEADER. A FIGHTING SPEECH Received Dec. 15, 5.5 p.m. London, Dec. 14. In the House of Lords, Lord Morley, in moving the Address-in-Reply, said he did not envy the Englishman or Irishman who refused to re-echo the sentiments expressed by the King regarding reconciliation between Britain and Ireland. He did not think the government of Ireland during past years had been such as his conscience could appro e. He pleaded for a continuance of the same spirit which made today the most historic and memorable among the spacious moments of our history.

Lord Dunraven, seconding, said he would devote what little time remained to him to doing his best to make this great instrument of reconciliation fulfil all its authors could desire. He believed that in a little while they would find all Irishmen helping one another.

Lord Crewe said it could fairly be claimed that the treaty was not separatist in any way. He hoped Irishmen and Ulstermen would make the best of things and see whether they were not able to carry out the agreement in a manner which would not harm themselves civilly or religiously. Lord Curzon said the chief credit for the settlement lay with the Prime Minister. When things were at their worst Mr. Lloyd George never despaired. The agreement meant peace with honor for Ireland, as she had obtained the status of a Dominion, and all the attributes and prerogatives of self-government.

Lord Carson denounced the proposals in regard to Ireland as treachery’, and as marking the obsequies of the Unionist Party. It was dead and buried, without consultation with its followers by its leaders and trustees, who were sent into the Government to protect them. The Prime Minister was conceding to Ireland what he had frequently solemnly declared could never be granted consistent with the safety of the Empire. “If these things are to be done,” Lord Carson declared, “without consulting the country, let us at once establish autocracy in Downing Street, and do away with the House of Lords and the House of Commons.”

Lord Carson proceeded: “There has never teen a greater outrage upon constitutional liberty. Did the Government think the country would be taken in by this manufactured glorification of what the Government was pleased to call a treaty? The terms were passed with a revolver at the head of the Government, because the Government knew Sinn Fein had beaten them. It was an awful confession to make to the Empire. From the beginning to the end of the document there was nothing except England beaten to its knees by gunmen and assassins.

“England now says she is willing to scuttle and leave everybody who supported her to the tender mercies of the assassins. What a fool I have been in the past. I have been a puppet, and so has Ulster, to get the Conservative Party into power. The most loathsome are those who sold their friends for the purpose of conciliating their enemies. Constant preaching at Ulster is nauseating. Ulster has stuck only too well to England, and because she is loyal you kick her as you bke.

“I promise you that Ulster will keep out of the union in spite of the bogey that she Kvill have to pay more if she keeps out. You have tried to make Ulster’s position impossible. I believe you told the Sinn Fein delegatee to do so. Why has

Sinn Fein been given an army? If it is not to invade Ulster, is it to invade America, or the Isle of Man ?” Lord Carson, in conclusion, warned the Government not to do anything to stir Ulster against the Empire. “Do recognise,” he pleaded, “that we tried to help you, and dor’t do anything to turn us out.” The House of Lords then adjourned.— Aua.-N.Z. Cable Assn.