The Daily News. THURSDAY, AUGUST 18, 1921. IRELAND AT THE CROSS ROADS.

Taranaki Daily News, 18 August 1921, Page 4

The Daily News. THURSDAY, AUGUST 18, 1921. IRELAND AT THE CROSS ROADS.

When speaking at a social function on July 13, Mr. Lloyd George made a passing allusion to “a remarkable. transformation in Ireland,’’ adding, “but the less said about that the better.” Being urged to make a fuller statement, he said: “No, you must not tempt me to indiscretions at this juncture; but it is a fact that De Valera, chieftain of the Irish, lias been in conference with the British Premier, discussing methods and suggestions for a settlement of the long, bitter and wasteful fued. They will meet again to-morrow, and it is hoped they will secure peace.” Much has transpired since then, but the temptation to indiscretions and sensationalism still exists, though it is to be deprecated. It appears to be impossible even for the Press to preserve that calm and deliberate attitude whieh is so necessary in connection with Irish affairs, especially as the matter is one involving the most serious issue that Britain and the Empire have been called upon to face. Ireland is at the cross roads. ‘Which will she choose? Peace or war? If the extremists prevail it will be the road to war that will be taken, but if wisdom and the true interests of the country are predominant then Ireland will enter upon an era of peace and prosperity in a similar manner to that which South Africa has furnished such a striking example. The conference between the Irish leaders and the British Premier resulted in an offer by the latter of terms that are recognised as exceptionally generous. At the same time they are the limit of the price Britain is prepared to pay for the settlement of “the long, bitter and wasteful feud.” As a matter of fact they stop short only at secession, and that will,, be resisted by Britain’s full power. Ireland has been guaranteed the status of a Dominion, enjoying complete autonomy in taxation and finance, together' with all the powers and privileges upon whieh the autonomy of the self-governing Dominions are based, subject to six conditions which are vital to the welfare and safety of both Britain. and Ireland. There is nothing in these conditions which can in any way impinge upon the free will of the Irish people, the main essential being that the British Navy must control the coasts of the sister island. In considering De Valera’s reply it is necessary to comprehend. the peculiar

position he occupies. He is not only the mouthpiece of the bulk of the Irish people, but he is in the unenviable position of having to voice the demands of the extremists. A more casual perusal of his reply to the proposals indicates that it embodies the views of the extremists most prominently, but as the London Tinies aptly remarks: “Since De Valera’s return to Ireland the extremists’ counsels have appar- ( entiy prevailed.” They are the party of force and terrorism, and De Valera knows only too well that unless he champions their demands his occupation as their leader will cease. Apparently the trouble he has been having with these advocates of a republic has defied all attempts to bring them to reason. Judging by their past attitude and actions this is not surprising. It is the human factor that has always to be taken into account. To this may be due the claim advanced by De Valera, iat the commencement of his reply, to negotiate with Britain as a separate foreign power, yet he states: “We have no conditions to impose and no claims, but that we be free from aggression,” and he argues that true friendship with Britain can be obtained readily through an “amicable but absolute separation.” To this Mr. Lloyd George reiterated the dictum “that no such right can ever be recognised.” De Valera’s reasons appear to be studiedly vague, though he elaborates the point that Ireland would be reduced, by accepting a Dominion status, to a position of helpless dependency. This attitude indicates that the Irish leader is either lamentably ignorant of the operation of self-government in the Dominions, or that he relies more upon ingenuity than ingenuousness to attain his end, a contention that is emphasised by his assertion that if Britain stands aside he and his colleagues can, without employing force, effect a complete reconciliation with Ulster. To this Sir James Craig (Premier of Northern Ireland) states that Northern Ireland’s determination is not to submit to any authority other than that of the King and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, but is willing to co-operate with the South on equal terms “for the future welfare of our common country.’’ De Valera has made his extreme demands, and received the only possible reply thereto. A careful scrutiny of his letter to Mr. Lloyd George gives the impression that the contents of communication are not final; that the door is still open. The general tone of the letter is disappointing, but it must be recognised that the writer was bound to put forward the full demands of the extremists. Having done so, he should now show the extent of his statesmanship by endeavoring to effect an acceptable compromise. General Smuts’ letter should be of great service in this respect. There is still a gleam of hope that the problem will be solved, and the feeling throughout the Empire is that all true Irishmen should cast their influence into the scale in favor of peace—-an honorable peace that means a permanency.