The Daily News. SATURDAY, MARCH 20, 1920. THE GERMAN CRISIS.

Taranaki Daily News, 20 March 1920, Page 4

The Daily News. SATURDAY, MARCH 20, 1920. THE GERMAN CRISIS.

"ftie reported dramatic breakdown of the Kapp regime is unquestionable," stated a cable message sent from London on Tuesday. This abrupt termination of the German crisis may well have surprised and puzzled diplomatic circles as much as, if not more than, the militarists' sudden coup. The only explanation given is that Herr Ebert and Dr. Kapp "arrived at an agreement," under which Ebert remains ia office pending the new elections, and Kapp abandons his intention to form a Cabinet. At the same time it stated there have been military coups in thirty-five German towns, and that the Kapp Government appeared to be growing stronger. It is difficult to reconcile such conflicting statemenst, the more so as a cable message received on Thursday night .stated that the workers had declared a Soviet Republic in Berlin, and had threatened to arm the workers unless the troops were withdrawn. The message adds that Dr. Kapp yielded to this threat, and retired from the leadership of the revolt. What the true position is must be a matter for speculation, for it is evident that it is being concealed as far as possible. Little credence can be placed on Dr. Kapp yielding to threats by the workers in view of the fact that he had the militarists at his back and sufficient troops and machine guns to cope with disorders. According to General von Luttwitz, who was in command of the First Reichswehr Division, on which the Government largely depended, and who took the position of Minister of War in Dr. Kapp's regime, he had 7000 troops at his disposal in Berlin, though it is also stated that Herr Noske, in preparation for such an event as that which occurred, maintained a Republican corps d'elite, consisting of 10,000 of the most efficient non-coms in the German army, ready to proceed at a moment's notice to any part of Berlin, so it is evident these picked men must have turned traitors. There may be some truth in the suggestion that the

revolt was premature, and that the militarists had not sufficiently paved the way for a real success. So much has to be conjectured that comment on the affair has necessarily to be of a reserved nature. Ever since the armistice was signed the Militarists and Monarchists have openly exhibited their dissatisfaction, and have been plotting to restore the Hohenzollern monarchy, together with the old regime which was so precious in its favors to the ruling classes in pre-war Germany, and there is little doubt that von Ludendorff is the power behind the movement as well as the intermediary with the ex-Kaiser. Not the slightest reliance can be placed on the pretended good intentions of the counter-revolu-tionists so ostentatiously paraded to throw dust in the eyes of the Allies. The tone of the manifesto issued by the Social Democratic majority has a more genuine ring. It said: '' We did not make the revolution in order to restore the bloody government of mercenaries . ... There is only one way to prevent Wilhelm's return. Paralyse economic life by a general strike; therefore, proletarians, unite!" We are asked to believe that such a threat caused Dr. Kapp to come to an agreement with Herr Ebert, in face of the statement that the military throughout Germany had mostly elected to support the new Government. Credence cannot be stretched to that extent. The only ray of hope that is to be discerned in this impenetrable tangle is that the Allies will no longer hesitate to rigidly enforce tbc terms of the treaty. They can wt.t eiaim justification for so doing, and can honestly base their motive as being in the best interests of Germany as well as for the maintenance of peace. The sinister growth of military organisations of various descriptions, giving a strengtli of over a million, indicates plainly that the Allies must act decisively or the Treaty will be torn to shreds.