The Daily News. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1920. THE ADRIATIC PROBLEM.

Taranaki Daily News, 25 February 1920, Page 4

The Daily News. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1920. THE ADRIATIC PROBLEM.

The terms of President Wilson's reply to the Supreme Council's Note concerning the Adriatic question render the .task of the Allies in arriving at a settlement extremely difficult. The President resents any arrangements being made without America being consulted, though he must be per-j i'ectly well aware that the right of America to take part in framing proposals for a settlement has never been questioned. The right place for voicing America's views is at the Council of the Allies, but America has chosen to withdraw her representation on that Council, just as she has failed to ratify the Treaty and practically refused to undertake any obligations thereunder. Under these circumstances the Allies eduld only do their best without the assistance of America, who should'abide by the consequences of her default. At ths same time there is every disposition on the part of the Allies to avoid anything like a disagreement with the United States, but this feeling of amity does not justify President Wilson either in dictating a policy to the Allies or indulging in a threat to withdraw the Treaty from Congress. The negotiations which have taken place between France, Britain and Italy over the Adriatic question have been of an extremely delicate and prolonged nature. At the end of December last, the Italian Foreign Minister (Signor Scialoja), speaking in the Senate, said that when Italy west to the Peace Conference she did not claim Fiume, but merely supported Fiumc's request to join Italy, Fiume being fully entitled to make a claim in accordance with the principle of self-determination. The Italian Prime Minister (Signor Nitti) traversed M. Clemenceau's statement that Croatia was entitled to claim Fiume under the Treaty of London, emphasising that Croatia was .not among the contracting parties, and that if the Treaty were carried out Italy could ask for the whole of Dalmatia. He added that Italy did not wish to incur the enmity of the Jugo-Slavs. but it was important that the Allies should realise that the Jugoslavs would not approach Italy with calm minds while the Allies contimie to support their slightest demands. There are good grounds for believing that but for the fanatical action of d'Annuncio, who, in his intense patriotic determination to annex Fiume to Italy, has done incalculable harm, the problem would have been solved long since. Notwithstanding his expressed determination to fight to the death for the annexation of Fiume, his power and his friends are disappearing, from which it may be gathered that the Fiume enterprise was the outcome of delirious vanity, and as Fiume is now practically in revolt against d'Annuneio the way has been cleared for a settlement. The Italians drove a hard bargain when they entered the war as evidenced by the terms of the Pact of London, but the results of the war in the creation of new nationalities made it necessary to enter into f-csh arrangements with Italy. Already Italy appears to have become reconciled to abandoning Dalmatia, and it seemed as if an agreement, was near at hand between Italy and Jugo-Slavia. Mr. Lloyd George's advocacy of autonomy for Fiume, reserving for Jugo-Slavia the free use of the harbor and railways, is one that may well be accepted, so that the end of the trouble appeared to be in sight. This was the . time, however, when President "Wilson discharged his bombshell, when the "all but" stage had been arrived at i« composing the differences of the nations concerned. That Italy took up a high-handed attitude last year has to be admitted, and there was justification for the Anglo-Franco-Ameri-cau accord in December. By the concessions Italy has made since it is evident that she no longer claims fulfilment of the Pact of London, to which President Wilson states America is unalterably opposed. If France, Britain and Italy can agree as to the future of Dalmatia there is no occasion for President Wilson to interfere unless he wants to force a decision as to whether Britain and France will prefer Italy as an ally rather than America. We cannot conceive that President Wilson has such an alternative in view, and we much prefer to believe that the recent American reply to the Allies' Note is due to the unfortunate position in which the President finds himself owing to the action of the Senate over the Treaty, and that he is endeavoring to discount the obviously false position he now occupies in relation to the Supreme Council of the Allies, by assuming to be indignant at being slighted by their acting without first consulting him. Equally with Mr. Bonar Law and all the representatives at the Conference, we recognise

the supreme importance of a good understanding with the Government nd people of the United States, but there are limits to American dominance. The necessity for an equally good understanding with Italy is also apparent, and the claims of Jugo-Slavia have to be adjusted on the most favorable basis possible. The situation has undoubtedly become serious owing to President Wilson's action, yet not so serious as to prevent that general conciliation of views which the President hopes, may be readied between the Powers. His Note may be regarded as a strong protest against being ignored in the negotiations with Italy with regard to Dalmatia and the boundaries of Albania. Having made the protest and upheld his dignity, it is not unreasonable to hope that he will not place any in the way of the Allies arriving at a settlement of a problem that has caused an infinity of trouble and required the utmost tact and patience to solve. An armed conflict with the newly formed Slav kingdom might lead to almost inconceivable results.