The Daily News. THURSDAY, JANUARY 8, 1920. THE BOLSHEVIK MENACE.

Taranaki Daily News, 8 January 1920, Page 4

The Daily News. THURSDAY, JANUARY 8, 1920. THE BOLSHEVIK MENACE.

The grave nature of the latest news from Russia cannot fail to engender anxiety throughout the Empire. The Denikin Government has been overthrown owing to his defeat; the only railway across his front has been cut and his forces are gradually being pushed nearer the Sea of Azov, while Koltchak's position is as bad, if not worse. In East Kussia the Reds are driving back Butov's weaker forces towards the Mongolian frontier, and the Allied contingent on the railway is withdrawing eastward, in conjunction with the main Siberian army. According to General Maurice the Red army's road to India is now open, and the situation will brook no delay, because the Bolsheviks can now establish direct communication with Persia, Afghanistan, and the north-west frontier of India. It is expected that the Esthonian armistice will enable the Reds to divert, troops to the south and east with the object of completely crushing all opposition in those areas. Only in the north is the position at all hopeful, and how long it may so remain will depend on the issne of events in the south. There is no doubt that the agreement with Esthonia was a masterstroke of policy on the part of the Bolsheviks, and its results are likely to be far reaching, so that there appears to be some justification for the alarm evinced by London newspapers at the Bolshevik menace of India. When Mr. Llovd George, speaking at the Lord Mayor's banquet, "sent a cold chill down the spines of his hearers" by proposing to come to terms with the Bolsheviks—a proposal characterised by the Daily Mail as an invitation "to shake hands with murderers," he little thought that the loathing felt by British people for the foulness of Bolshevism would arouse sueh a storm of indignant protest against the proposal that he would be_ forced to drop it like a hot brick, but that is what happened. Little over a week later, the British Premier stated in the House of Commons that there was to be no more military "adventures" in Russia—no intervention except "fulfilling our obligations of honor to the men who had helped us to reconstruct the eastern front." He

"imed that the policy of enabling the anti-Bolsheviks in Russia to protect themselves had been successful, adding: "But with the enormous burdens cast upon us by the war, it is clear this country cannot undertake the task of financing civil war in Russia indefinitely. Our first concern must be to our own people, for there is no surer road to Bolshevism than financial bankruptcy." Mr. Lloyd George went on to say:— ''The fact that a policy was good was no justification for our incurring heavy obligations in carrying it out. Who would recommend this country tt> undertake the terrible responsibility of restoring order in a country which is a Continent, ami in which no Powei had ever intervened without landing itself in disaster? He would take no responsibility for that. He was not afraid of Bolshevism in any land that was well governed, but lie did fear wild adventures into lauds whose conditions are unknown and where nothing but catastrophe hsid awaited every Empire that had ever attempted it." Apparently the British Premier has more faith in the Russian peasantry than his knowledge of their weakness should permit, for he expressed the belief that they would i not allow the Bolshevik armies to conquer the whole of Russia. In a recent cable message Dr. Harold Williams dissipates this slender hope, and he draws a graphic word picture of the vast retreat, in bitter winter, over icy Russian steppes, not only of Denikin's panic-stricken troops, but of trad-; ers, peasants, workmen, women' and children, who are abandoning everything and hurrying south- 1 wards as though "flying from a! terror that walketh by day." He significantly adds: "Upon the issue depends the stability of Eur-j ope, for the Bolsheviks are certain , to turn elsewhere for conquests."] General Maurice asserts that the' Allied policy towards Russia has broken down, and the truth of that statement cannot be denied. With Denikin, Koltchak and Petlura disposed of and Britain holding , aloof from further intervention, what is to stop the Bolsheviks

from pressing outwards into China, Poland, Armenia and India? That is the problem which has to be faced, and its gravity cannot be overestimated. Apparently the only hope of salvation rests with Japan. Mr. J. S. Garvin, editor of the Observer, who is no mean authority on the subject, considers that the effective hemming in of the Bolsheviks is possible only by the co-operation of Japan and India on one side, and Germany the other, and he suggests offering a bribe to secure Germany's assistance. The idea is one that should be scouted unhesitatingly for reasons too obvious to mention. It is to Japan that Britain must turn to stem the tide of Bolshevism, and the leading British newspapers take this view, advocating that Japan should be given a free hand in Siberia for anti-Bolshevik operations. We cannot ignore the unrest in India and its effect towards Bolshevism. The situation will not brook delay. Japan Hiay ask a big price for solving the problem, but that is only a detail if she will carry out the work. America's views need not be considered unless—which is most improbable—she will end the trouble herself.