The Daily News. MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1919. THE IRISH PROBLEM.

Taranaki Daily News, 29 December 1919, Page 4

The Daily News. MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1919. THE IRISH PROBLEM.

The increasing gravity of the situation in Ireland is causing much anxiety throughout the Empire, and the recent pronouncement by Lord French, the Viceroy, whose escape from attempted assassination caused much gratification, adds to the general feeling that some wise scheme should be de-1 vised to restore that country to | peace and order. In October last i the Imperial Cabinet constituted a Special Cabinet Committee to deal with the matter in consequence of the Law Officers of the Crown advising that the Suspensory Act, which was carried during the war to postpone the operation of the Home Rule Act, would become inoperative after the Peace Treaty was signed by Turkey—the last of the belligerents to sign—and that the Home Rule Act would automatically come into force on the day that Turkey j signed. Although no scheme was; ' definitely Mi'iyed at b£ the Corn- 1

mittee, it was understood that it [bad been decided to offer what Ministers described as "a very generous proposal indeed " a wide measure of Home Rule, the pledges to protect Ulster to be binding, and the exclusion of the whole of the counties where Ul-I stermen predominated being contemplated. There is no doubt as to the genuineness of the desire of the Ministry to reach an agreement. Unfortunately they are up against a very serious opposition owing to the position taken up by an important section of the Irisli, in denying the right of the British Government to enforce compulsory service, a right which every past Home Rule Bill asserted and what every Nationalist has . accepted—the unrestricted supremacy of the Imperial Parliament in all naval, military, and other matters of defence and war organisation, over every part of the United Kingdom—this being the only fundamental guarantee of the common safety and cohesive existence of the United Kingdom. But for Liberal and Nationalist assurances for more than thirty years that the vital guarantee of defence and existence would remain "unimpaired," no Home Rule Bill would ever have been passed, and never would the .proposal of Federal Home Rule have been brought forward. In effect, that real right makes the difference between Home Rule proper and secession. This claim was promulgated early in 1898, but its effect is seen in the position of Ireland to-day, when the Sinn Feiners openly demand secession, and are conducting an armed resistance to the law, accompanied by murders and lootings. The British authorities have worked for a solid basis, providing with honest reality and thoroughness, not pnly for Home Rule rights, but for the reciprocal statutory duties towards the United Kingdom and the Empire. The position cannot begin to be satisfactory until a measure of Irish Home Rule is in operation, and that measure must be framed to fit in entirely with the federal framework of Home Rule All Round, to be subsequently applied to England, Scotland and Wales, a3 to Ireland, on a basis of full equality, no more and 110 less, and without privilege for any one nationality, ample safeguards being provided for the religion and prosperity of the Protestant population—north and south. The British Government must hold the scales equally. There must be a new era in which the supremacy of law under the Imperial Parliament is restored. Unionist Ulster cannot refuse the Home Rule Bill without justifying resistance in other quarters. If any British Government were to flifach on the principle of Home Rule Unity it would not be supported by British • labor, British democracy, nor the English-speaking world. This is the key of the case, and it is impossible to think that Ulster can do aught but set the great example and not make a mockery of its own appeal to the principle of Imperial supremacy. Some desire to prevent Home Kule, partly because they fear that Sinn Fein , would turn, in the long run, to ■ anti-clericalism, partly because they conceive that an Irish Parliament, supported by Irish Protestents, would supersede them as a 1 paramount influence, Mr. Lloyd George has fought privilege all his ; life. As a Nonconformist he con,- ( siders ecclesiastical domination in : politics the worst privilege of all. 1 He will do his best to save the j

best hopes of Ireland from Irish Extremists of all colors, and to save Catholic political interests throughout the Empire and the Allied countries from ill-advised action, the effect of which is to sacrifice Home Rule and Irish Unity. The peace has brought no peace to Ireland. It is,generally agreed that the Irish question will never be any better until the Government make concrete proposals to the Irish people. Across the water, Irishmen are beginning to perceive that this is the hour of Ireland's destiny. Behind the prevalent bitterness, the atmosphere of sporadic outrage, and tbo undoubted hatred of England, the best minds in Ireland are recognising that they, too, must bend their energies towards finding a solution lest worse befall. In its essence this Irish question is for Great Britain a national, and not a party, affair, and it is in this larger spirit alone that a solution is possible. A com promise is possible, and no efforts should be spared to reach a settlement. The proposals outlined by Mr. Lloyd GeOrge last week in the House of Commons deserve careful and impartial consideration, and his plea for the closing of the chapter of mistakes, follies and crimes on both sides should find n response in the hearts of all those who honestly desire to find a remedy for the existing evils.