WAR AIMS.
PRESIDENT WILSON'S SPEECH WHO SPEAKS FOR .GERMANY? ».3E ALLIES' FRANKNESS. Washington, .Tail. 9.' Continuing his speech to Congress, President Wilson said:— The Russian representatives insisted very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy that the conferences they are holding with Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open, not closed, door.j and with all ttie world as an audience, as was desired. To whom have we been listening? To those who speak in the spirit and with the intention of the resolii' tions of the German Reichstag on July M, the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intentions and insisted upon conquest pnd .subjugation, or are we listening ill fact to both unreconciled in open and hopeless contradictions? These are very serious and pregnant questions and upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world. But whatever the results of parleys at Brest Litovsk, whatever the confusion of counsel and purpose ill the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects of war, again challenged their adversaries to say 'what their dbjects are and what sort of settlement they deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to with the utmost- candour. We did not wait for it. Mot once, but again and again we laid all our thought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make clear what ,sort of definite terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr Lloyd George lias spoken with admirable candour and spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain. There is 110 confusion of counsel among the adversaries of tlie Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The secrecy of counsel .the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make a definite statement of the objects of the war lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and deatli hang upon these'definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought f#r a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifices are part and parcel of the vary life of society, and that the people for whom he speaks think them as right and imperative as he does!
THE VOICE OF RUSSIA. There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle, the purpose of which seems to me more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which troubles the air of the world is filled, namely, the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but hopeless before the grim power of Germany. Vet their soul is not subservient, they will not yield either in principle or action their conception of what is right, what is human and honorable for them to accept. It. has been stated with frankness and largeness of view, generosity of spirit, and universal human sympathy which Intist, challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind. They refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they therasfelves may be safe. They call to us to say wihat we desire, in what our purpose and spirit differ from theirs. I believe the people of the' United States would wish me to respond with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe, it or not it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.
NO SECRET UNDERSTANDING. It will be our wish and purpose that the process of peace, when begun, shall be absolutely open and permit henceforth no secret, understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandisement lias gone, also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular Governments and likely at some unlocked for moment to upset the peace of the world. .We entered this war because violations ofjights occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence.
WORLD MUST BE MADE SAFE. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves; it is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. particularly that it be made sate fpr every peace-loving nation which, like""cur own. wishes to live its own life and determine its own institutions, assured of justioe and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as agaitic-t force and selfish aggression. AH the copies of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice is done to others it will not be done to us.
PROGRAMME OF WORLD'S PEACE. The programme of the world's i peace, therefore, is our pioIgranune. That arasxamm* ««
only possible programme. As we see it, it is this: Open covenants of pc.'.ee openly arrived at, lifter which no private international undnr-iti'iiidiiigs of any kind, but dip loniaev shall proceed always frankly in public view. There must lie absolute freedom of navigation of (lie .-.eas outside territorial ivlil.lt i, alike in peace and war except as seas may be closed in whole or part bv international action for enforcement of international t.ivenants. The removal as (ar as posp;ole of all economic barriers and the establishment of equality of trade conditions among all nations consenting to peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. Adequate guarantees to be given and taken that national armaments be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. Free, openminded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims based upon strict observation of the principle that in determining all sucji questions of sovereignity the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined.
HELP FOR RUSSIA. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a. settlement of all questions .affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her unhampered and embarrassed opportunity for independent determination of her own political development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing. Russia also should 'be given assistance of every kind she may need. The treatment accorded Russia by the sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their goodwill a nil their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests.
THE OTHER INVADED COUNTRIES Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored without any attempt to limit the sovereignity which she enjoys, in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this to restore confidence among nations in the laws which they themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law will for ever be impaired. All French territory should be freed anil the invaded portions restored. The wrong done France by Prussia in '.871 in Alsace and Lorraine, which unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years may once more be made secure in the interest of all. The readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognisable lines of nationality. The people of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured should be accorded the freest opportunity for autonomous development. lioumania, Servia, and Montenegro should be evacuated and the occupVil territories restored. Servia should be accorded free and secure access to the sea and the relations between the several Balkan States determined by friendly counsel -along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality and international guarantees of political eco-' nomic independence. The territorial integrity of several Balkan States should lie entered into. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured of secured sovereignity, but other nationalities now under Turkish rule should be assured of undoubted security of life and absolutely unmolested opportunity for autonomous development. The Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage for the ships of commerce of all nations under an international guarantee. An independent Polish State should be erected which should include territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, and which should be assured free and secure access to the seas, whose political economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
GUARANTEES OP INDEPENDENCE. A general association of nations must he formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong And assertions of right we feel ourselves' intimate partners of all governments and peoples associated together against Imperialists. We cannot he separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end for such arrangements and covenants. We are willing to fight and continue to fight until they are achieved, but only because we wish right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace, such as can 'be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war which this programme does remove.
NO GRUDGE AGAINST GERMANY.^ We have no jealousy of German greatness. There is nothing in this programme that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or pacific enterprise such as made her record very bright and enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. AVe do not wish to fight her, either with arms or hostile arrangements of. trade, if she is willing to associate herself with us and other peace-loving "nations of the world in covenants of justice, law, and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the people of the world, the new world in which we now live, instead of a place of mastery. Neither do we presume ,to sjiswst to Jier
fieation of her institutions; but it is, we must frankly say, necessary as a preliminary to intelligent dealing with her 0:1 our part that we-should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they p.peak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and men whose creed is Imperial domination.
JUSTICE TO ALL PEOPLES. We have spoken now in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole programme outlined, a principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, their right to live 011 equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle is made its foundation, no part of the struggle for international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act on no other principle, and to vindicate this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, everything they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating final war for human liberty, has come. They arc ready to put their own strength, their own highest purposes, and their own integrity and devotion to the test.
AMERICAN OPINION. TO BIND RUSSIA TO THE ALLIES. Washington, Jan. ft. Congressmen and officials agree tliai the main purpose of Mr. Wilson's message is to bind Russia to the Allies. America's sympathy for Russia may turn the balance in the Allies' favor. Mr. Gerard describes it as the greatest document Mr. Wilson has produced, and it should have a marked effect on the people of Germany and force the German Government to reply, Mr. Peqfielil says the speech will win many wavcrers in Austria. The New York Times commends the speech as a masterly statement, 'but emphasises that the first condition of pence must lie the downfall of Prussian militarism. Mr, Lloyd George's statement regarding Alsace was inadequate, and Mr. Wilson supplies the deficiency. Alsace must fce returned to France. The paper adds: "Now that our svaraims are stated let us combine all our, resources for fighting the Germans." The New York Tribune, says the President's message is beyond praise. It is a second emancipation declaration, and represents the aims of a hundred million people. To-day as never before the entire nation marches with the President. .1 he New \ ork World says it is an invitation to the to assert its power. It voices the Allies' views after conference by cable. Mr. Wilson wisely refuses to abandon the Russiah people to German intrigue. The New York Herald declares that the Russian people must understand the message, which will test tlm sincerity of Trotsky and Lenin. Xow is the unique opportunity for German Socialists to deal with the junkers. Professor Elliot, in the World, emphasises tbat Australia will not -donsent to the rpturn of the German colonies. It is in America's interests that the colonies be not restored, because the task of enforcing peace will be more difficult if Germany is able to-create fortified ports and _depots in the Pacific, Africa, and Asia.
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Taranaki Daily News, 11 January 1918, Page 8
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2,254WAR AIMS. Taranaki Daily News, 11 January 1918, Page 8
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