GREAT WAR COUNCIL.

Taranaki Daily News, 4 December 1917, Page 6

GREAT WAR COUNCIL.

ASQUITK QUESTIONS LLOYD GEORGE'S AUTHORITY. SPIRITED ANSWER. "I HAVE IT HERE IN MY POCKET." London, Nov. 19. Immense interest was shown this afternoon fn the debate in tlie House of Commons, which was initiated I> V .Mr. Asqiiith, on the Prime Minister's'"onefront, one-army, one-nation" speech at Paris. The House and galleries were crowded. M. Venizelos (Greek Premier) was seated in the diplomatic gallery. The question arose on the motion for adjournment, Mr. Asquith laid down two propositions which he hoped would not be controverted.

Firstly that in war the ultimate responsibility for what was done or not done rested with the Government; Secondly, that it was vitally important that frequent and intimate consultations should be held between the Allied statesmen- and soldiers, and that co-ordination should be as complete as possible. THE NAVY NOT MENTIONED. _ Nevertheless he deprecated the establishment of any organisation which would interfere with the responsibility of the General Staff to the Government, ov derogate in any way from the authority and responsibility of each of the Allied peoples to their" respective Governments. He emphasised that Mr Lloyd George, in Paris, did not mention the navy, which, in many respects, dominated strategic considerations. Tie asked who would decide anv disagreement between the Allied Staff and the General Staff.

Fir Edward Carson: The War Cabinet. •Mr. Asqmth, continuing, said that the object of the present debate was to dispel certain misapprehensions arising from the Paris speech. He pointed out that Mr. Novel George equally shared the resnonsibilitv regarding (he invasions of Serbia and Roumania. He affirmed that the Premier's view regarding Serbia wn.=s not shared by anv of the weighty military authorities in England. "

SINGLE. FRONT SOUND IN THEORY. The theory of a single front was perfectly sound, and the corollary of it was that an Ally at one end of <i line migl* best be helped by a maximum effort being exerted at the other end of the line. It was the sacred trust of the Allies to see that the future freedom and security of Serbia imd Roumania were adequatclv assured.

After alluding to Mr. Lloyd George's assumption of detachment regarding recent events in Russia and Italv Mr? A*qnith doubted whether a Council at Versailles last March would- have affected the Russian situation.

The Premier had regaled the good people of Paris with irrelevant rhetoric VUs it not a fact that General Cadorna was full of confidence and serenity nn the eve of the German attack? He dedared that the Premier's reference to the western front suggested that the blood of the British Dominions had been gravely squandered, when strategically it could have been better employed.'

WESTERS OPERATIONS DEFENDED. Never were operations more carefully considered than those of Field-Marshal Ha is on the Sommo and in the later stages of the French defensive at Verdun tie doubted whether any Allied Council' wisely guided, would have interfered with either of the two great offensive* on the west: front in favor of more attractive adventures elsewhere We had no reason to he ashamed of our war contribution. We had kept tlie seas free '."; expanded the army into 70 divisions' had p'aced our n,-nals and our credit at the disposal of our Allies, and so we would continue to the end. (Cheers). -MR. LLOYD GEORGE'S REPLY. The Premier (Mr. Llovd George) re-' Kvina said that more important 'than anythmg ] lr . hn(l sai( , in p aris decide whether greater unity of control was needed, and whether we were tnkin« tho right way to secure it. He reaffirm" ed that; we had suffered by lack of coordination. Any criticism he bad directed against the nasi was not directed against .the Staff or any Allied com mander. He had merely used certain il-I'-strations showing that lack of co-or-dination among the Allies had brought oisaster. °

Lord Kitchener once <s<i«"e=t»d n scheme for a contra! authority, but ho '.(•he speaker) was utterly opposed to the appointment of a generalissimo. Such a scheme would produce friction, He believed the United States would liny preferred a council with executive authority but he thought the circumstances at present did not demand that

PERMANENT COUNCIL ESSENTIAL

The new council would actually, not merely nominally, possess information which was at the disposal of evcrv one of the Allied staff. Therefore, a permanent council was essential.

Regarding the Italian front, it was exceedingly difficult to answer Mr. Asnuith's questions. There was a good deal to be said about what General'Cadorna had said, and what we thought we knew;, ■qr believed or suspected. Sir William Robertson could not press things in respect to another front, but under the new council he .would have been in a position to do so.

The fact that British and French troops had to rush to Italv to retrieve the disaster must affect the operations on the western front. Hence our concern with the Italian front was not because it was the Italian front, but because it affected the western front also. Therefore it had been decided that the meagre machinery of the liaison of officers, occasional meetings of Ministers, and occasional meetings of the Chiefs of Staff was utterly inadequate and inefficient for the purpose of real co-ordination. "You must have a permanent bod'v constantly w-atching those things.' ho sn.id, "and advising upon them and reporting to the Government."'

EVENTS TN THE MEDITERRANEAN

Mr. Lloyd George emphasised that the representation of the navy was no after' thought. It was essential that all information regarding naval operations and co-operation should he known to these military advisers. That was a different thing from the establishment of a naval council to co-ordinate naval strategy. We were suffering from the lack of such a cduneil at present. Anvone knowing what was happening in the Mediterranean knew that there was a great deal to 'he said for such a council.

Turning to his Paris speech, the Prime Minister said:— "Let, me sav at once that T considered it carefully, and that i did it for a deliberate purpose. I have seen resolutions for unity and co-ordination. Where '•« theyt ' You aight ai well throw

them into the wastepaper basket. Lord Ivlchenor started with those schemes lie 101.5. 1 have seen other schemes of M. Kriand and Mr. Asquith. (Somehow they, have come to naught, because you have naturally a disinei ; iuitiou of independent bodies merging -their individualities in a common organisation. 1 was afraid this would occur again. We went to Hapallo with documents most carefully prepared, and previously submitted to the Cabinet. (Cheers). Substantially, the document which was passed .at Rapallo was a document prepared here. CARRIED BY THREE CONFERENCES. "I have it in my pocket." (Cheers). He referred to what he called a "beautifully drafted document," approved by a number of men, including distinguished soldiers, which had been carried by three Allied conferences. _ Then, he said: "Nothing has happened, simply an announcement in the newspapers that at last we have found some means of co-ordination. There has been too much of this. (Cheers). I made up my mind to take risks, and took them (loud cheers)—to rouse the public sentiment, not merely here, .but in France, Italy and America, to see that this document, became an act." POLITICAL STRATEGY. "I know nothing of military strategy, but I know something of political strategy—daughter and cheers)—and to get* public opinion, interested in a proposal, and to convince the public of its desirability is the essential part of political strategy. That is why I made that speech, and it has done it. (Loud cheers). I was determined to deliver a disagreeable speech, which would force everybody to talk about this scheme. They have talked about it in two or three continents, and the result is that, public opinion in America, Italy. France, and Great Britain is that the scheme is vital. (Continuous cheers). UTTER BALDERDASfT. lie denied that he -had blamed the British for what had happened. It was an unpleasant thing for him to remind Italy that she had lost 2,500 guns, but it was necessary. (Cheers). Otherwise the Rapallo agreement would never have been passed. He continued: "I knowvery well what would have happened, and I did not want it to happen. I wanted this thing to be a reality. All this talk about easterner,? and westerners is utter halderdash. The field is north, south, east and west. Our business is to put pressure on the enemy at everv point of the compass, and, hurt, him where we can. That is why we want a central control.

\OT ONE SYLLABLE, WITHDRAWS"

ITo did not withdraw a single (syllable of his Paris speech.

TT? strongly anil categorically asserted that no soldiers in any war had had 1 lie strateirieal position less interfered with by politicians. Soldiers had never cot more eonsistent or more substantial backing from polit it-ions ilian ihey had ' reeeived in lfil". lie did not mean hacking in speeehes, which were no snbsfi- ; lute for shells. There had been only two occasions on which he ban '• against the advice of soldiers in this : war. One was in regard to the hie; gun programme, when they thought he win manufacturing too many, and that they \ would lie unable to man them. Tlie second case was when lie pressed upon the soldiers the appointment of a civilian to reorganise the railways behind the lines' TRAITOROUS AND TREASONABLE, Policy and strategy were inextricably ■ interwoven. Those who tried to separate them and foster disunion were traitors. Whether it was done for personal rancour or political envy, it was equally treasonable. ITc added: "Are we to tolerate men in this country who. from purely political or personal reasons, disseminate distrust and jealousy of France in the breasts of Englishmen?" ON TRACK OF THE SUBMARINE. We are here to stop that here and now. Poor France, trampled upon, for ever bereaved, so many of her sons and richest provinces torn from her wants nothing except emancipation, from the deadly menace that has threatened her for half a century. Ido hope that ■ whatever happens they will keep hands. ■ tongues, and pens from trying to foster • suspicion, jealousy, and distrust between : France and ourselves. If we act together. I have no fear of wllat will hapi pen. I see anxieties on the horizon—- * I neves conceal these. It is better to ' tell the people what is happening.

But no anxieties modify the conviction that only two things can defeat uh. If the submarine menace had wrenched the freedom of the seas from us. our hopes would have been shattered, but I have no further fear of the submarine. We are on its track. On Saturday we destroyed five of these pests. . (Loud cheers). The only other danger is lack of unity. [ will support every scheme that helps to a real and lasting victory, that will bring peace and healing to a bleeding world., (Loud cheers). SACRIFICES INEVITABLE. November 15, Lord Rhondda, Food Controller, speaking at Glasgow, said that Mr. Lloyd George's speech was very necessary. "We are at death-grips with an unscrupulous enemy." he said, "and it is time that everyone realised that the greatest sacrifices are inevitable to victory." The control of foodstuffs would be necessary for three years after the war, owing to the shortage of supplies. HIGH AMERICAN OFFICIAL OPINION. REFLECTED,IN LLOYD GEORGE'S SPEECH. London, Nov. IS. The Times states that Mr. Lloyd George's frank and satisfactory statement has silenced a'll critics. He tooU the right course in communicating the text of the Rapallo agreement, which is a courageous effort to remedy the mischief which has arisen from imperfect unity.

The main idea of the scheme is excellent, but the agreement does not include America, and no place has been allotted for the navy anion? the flflvismsr experts. A clearer definition of thf Relations between the general staffs, |thc military commands, and the council's military secretariat, is imivrafivc in jthe interests of the higher field officers as well as the country. The Times' correspondent at Washington states that no European utterances lias sn impressed I''" TTnited 'tales as Mi\ Llr.yd George's Paris speech. Tt. exactly reflets thn high American official opinion which will do everything possible to secure the highest war efficiency by 1 the Allies' joint efforts

i REPTNGTON'S CRITICISM. i ; London Nov; 10. Tlie Prime Minister's statement in the House does not close the crisis. The soldiers are determined to fight. An article by Colonel Rephigton, the Times' military correspondent, may be taken as statin;;' the military attitude. Colonel Repington after paying a tribute to Mr. Lloyd George's brilliant qualities, criticises his responsibilities in connection with the war policy. He joints out that "Sir. Lloyd George formed part of the Government witch sent General Sir fan Hamilton 00,000 men with which to fight .100.000 Turks, who were entrenched in one of the strongest positions in the world. When the British and French armies were slowlv recoverin:,' from the first shock of German aggression, there was no men and no guns to spare for other purposes. Since the fiovernment allowed Lord Kitchener to ignore the General Staff, it was impossible to blame it for the catastrophe in Sqrvia. THE ARMY SUBORDINATED. Mr. Lloyd George at the Calais Conference, had not .consulted the soldiers. He had subordinated the army, and practically placed the British forces General Nivello (formerly French Oom-mftnder-in-Chicf). The losses at Arras which followed were due to the removal of the strain upon the Germans, and to the fact that. General Nivello delayed the commencement of the Flanders offensive. The Roumanian delwcle was due to Roumania's acting contrary to the advice of the General Staff and invading Transylvania, where we were unable to render direct assistance "NO INTERFEEiENCE.'* London. Nov. 1:5. The political excitement has subsided as the result of Mr. Lloyd George's statement yesterday. Critics arc satisfied that no interference with Sir William Robertson and Sir Douglas TTaig is contemplated. 'Now it is expected that Mr. Asquith on Mondav will deal rather with the Prime.Minister's Paris speech than with tli" Allied 1 agreement, which it is believed has been for a long- time under consideration as a substitute for the old, imwicldly, inter-Allied conferences. HOW TO WIN THE WAR. LLOYD GEORGE CRITICISED. POLITICAL ATMOSPHERB ELECTRICAL. London Nov. 1.5. Though the opposition to an InterAlly Council has been killed, important sections of politicians and soldiers are determined to contest Mr. Lloyd George's statements. There isjno mention of a vote-of censure; but the political atmosphere is still highly charged.

The Manchester Guardian says: ''The westerners argue that proposals for striking in the more distant theatres of the war have been frequently considered, but the Cabinet has always been overwhelmed by General Sir William Robertson and Field-Marshal Sir "Douglas Haig. Such a policy, though desirable in the abstract, is impracticable owing to transport disabilities. The French and British Army Staffs have steadfastly oppos-., ed if. Should the crisis develop, the General Staff, Sir Douglas Haig, the Liberal leaders, and a considerable sec? tion of Hie Unionists known as the Hands-oft'-tho-Army %dioo] would prove an irresistible force, compelling the Government to dissolve." The British Weekly saw: "Tf the jhoice i« to be between Mr. Lloyd George and Field-Marshal Sir -Douglas Haig and •General Sir William Robertson, the nation will choose the Generals, though the need of a new council is undeniable. The Italian disaster made a bold, practical step necessary. There has been an immense susceptibility to jealousy between the Allies, especially among the generals who made plans for their own part of the battlefield, and refused to tender advice for support elsewhere. Many plans have been sewn together, but stitching is not strategy. The stitches came out. and disintegration was complete." Mr. Max.se (editor of the National Review), writing in the Globe, reiterates that Mr. Lloyd George attempted to place the British under General Nivelle, who later failed in his negotiations and disastrously delayed the British offensives. ; .-The Standard says that Colonel House and Admiral Bliss will represent America 1 on the Inter-Ally Council. ; NO JOY BELLS IN BERLTN. ' NO INTERFERENCE, SAYS CARSON. , London, Nov. 20. ; The Times, in a leading article, says: ; "Mr. Lloyd George has won a 'great per- ' sonal triumph, and vindicated the essential soundness of his scheme for securing ' continuity and breadth of survey, which , would otherwise be unobtainable.'' The Daily Mail writes: "Mr. Asnuith failed. No joybells will ring in Berlin ; to-day." j The Daily News accepts the scheme, t but regards Mr. Lloyd George's speech ' as a. startling anti-climax to the Paris shock tactics.

Speaking at a luncheon at the Constitutional Club to-day. Sir Edward Carson, a member of the War Cabinet said:—

We have just passed a worked-up sham crisis. The colleagues of the Premier have been supposed to be cyphers and dummies Who have been struck obedient by the will of the Premier. (Laughter). Nothing was further from the fact. (Cheers). Ministers were supposed to have been waging war on the great administration of our splendid army. A more wicked or more scandalous attempt to sow dissension in our midst at so grave and perilous a crisis, was never known. The whole thing was a mischievous lie. brought about by political machinations, ignorance, and suspicion. If there had been the sligbtest idea of politicians interfering with the soldiers =n the management of the war he would not have remained in the War Cabinet. •, After the debate in the House yesterday had lapsed, the feeling in the lobbv was unanimous thfV the difficulty was over.