A MEMORABLE SPEECH.

Taranaki Daily News, 4 October 1917, Page 6

A MEMORABLE SPEECH.

"NO NEXT TIME."

WARNING TO PACIFISTS. A HORIZON OP HOPE. London, August 5. Tile third anniversary of the declaration of war was commemorated yesterday by a great patriotic demonstration at the Queen's Hall, which was addressed by the Prime Minister. There were many notable features in the gathering In the first place, it inaugurated the campaign of the National War Aims Committee. Many members of the Government were present, including the Lord Chancellor and the new First Lord of the Admiralty. Two distinguished Ministers from the Allied nations were specially welcomed, Baron Sonnino, the Italian Foreign Minister, "ope of the outstanding figures amongst European statesmen," and M. Pasitch, the Serbian Premier* a noble figure, with a long white beard. As the audience sainted them 011 their introduction by Lord Crewe, each rose from his seat and bowed. Mr. Lloyd George said:—

Mr. Chairman, my lords, ladies, and gentlemen,-—On vour behalf lam sure I, may express the gratification with which' we have heard the words of Baron Son-, nino. I feel that I might claim almost a special kinship with Baron Sonnino. because I believe his mother was a Welsh lady. And that accounts for a, great deal. I thank him for these words of cordial amity towards this count ry, which we heartily return. I thank him, also, for tho admiration which he has expressed for our gallant troops at the front.

Baron Sonnino, in addition to being tlie strong man of Italy, is one of the outstanding figures of European statesmanship,* one wjiose wise counsel and resolute will are guiding Italy firmly and faithfully through the cataract of war to a greater destiny than she lias ever attained amongst the nations of the world, and we in Britain have good reasons ever to rejoice in that prospectnot merely for the goodwill that has existed between Italy and 'Britain, but because the greatness of Italy is in itself an additional security of peace and liberty throughout the world. (Applause). Those who have followed the mighty struggle -which has been taking place during the past two years on the Austrian frontier, amid great difficulties, know how Baron Sonnino's gallant countrymen have carried the standard of liberty to victory amid the crags and precipices of the Trent'ino and Carso, and we rejoice greatly that the leader of the Italian people should be here to-day on the fourtji anniversary of the war, to declare the resolute determination of these people to go on until peace and ,liberty have been secured throughout the world.

May I also join you, sir. in according honor to the sagacious leader of the Serbian people, victims of Teutonic barbarity, waiting patiently, fighting vigorously and courageously, for the hour of redress and reparation, which is surely coming. WHAT WE ABE FIGHTfKG FOR. This is the fourth anniversary #f the greatest war the world has ever witnessed. What are we fighting for? The defeat of the most dangerous conspiracy .ever plotted against the liberty of nations —carefully, skilfully, insidiously, clandestinely planned in every detail with ruthless and cynical determination. Those who have Tead the revelations which have recently appeared of that meeting in Berlin a few weeks before the war must have read with a shudder the account of the meeting of the confederates before they fired the trainone of the most sinister episodes in tha whole story of human brigandage. Should there be any man or woman in tliia country who wants to know why we are at war let him put this question _to himself: What would have happened to Europe, what would have happened to the world, if we had not gone to war? The last three years are a justification of our entering this contest. See what has befallen Europe, even with the whole of our might thrown into the conflict—all our great Army and our great navy! Belgium. Serbia. Romania, Montenegro, some of the fairest provinces of France and Russia overrun, devasated, humiliated, and enslaved, and Bulgaria and Turkey, miserable vassal States! This is- what has happened with the whole might of the' British Empire thrown in. Can you picture what would have happened if our great Navy had not been there to keep the ring and se; a certain amount of fair play., if vve had Dot raised and equipped huge new armies to confront the Prussian legions? follow it out! Russia is now demoralised and disintegrated for the moment —for the moment. That disintegration has rendered her brave armies impotent on certain fronts. It would have come sooner. France would have fought with the traditional valor of her race —a valor 1 whose record, whether in the despatches of to-day or in the history of yesterday, has ever thrilled the world with wonder. But with all succour and supplies cut off by sea. and left isolated 011 land even her excellent armies must have been overwhelmed. MANY NATIONS: ONE-POWER. What kind of peace would you have had in Europe then? It would not have been peace. It would have been a conquest. It would have been a subjugation of Europe. Europe woujd have been placed in servitude at the mercy of one great dominating Power. Yes, and at the mercy of the worst elements in that Power. (Applause). Well, let those who still have doubts as to whether we ought to have entered this war three years ago reflect on the kind of Europe there would have been to-day if we had not gone into the war. There would have been many nations; there would have been one great Power; there would have been one Army; there would hav<! been two Navies—the German and the British—for a time, for a time—for in the terms of peace there might have been imposed indemnities to be paid in the form of the demand for the surrender of navies Russia's, France's.. Greece's, perhaps Italy's. Europe would have been at the mercy of this cruel Power

You may say that it is a nightmare. It is a description of the pan-German dreams. What would have happened in America? The Monroe doctrine would, have been treated like any other scrap of paper. It vi&s a doctrine to which Germany never subscribed. Not that the ;fact that she had not appended her signature make s any difference. (Laugh|ter). But we kngyr her ambitious in

South America Not a j'ear after the termination of this .peace would have elapsed before she would have started realising them, and America would have been helpless. | AMBITIONS CHECKED. The Allied Powers from the first moment felt instinctively that a greait menace to human liberty had appeared on the horizon, and without delay they all accepted the challenge. America, fully realised why we did it, and she is with us for that reason. This is the peril which, for three years we have been striving to avert, not without success. Donfc be blinded, don't 'be discouraged by unfortunate episodes into forgetting one central fact: that we have cheeked the ambitions of Germany. The nations of the world had been climbing painfully the steeps that lead to national independence and self-respect. France and, Britain had reached that plateau long ago. America came later, and Roumania and Greece and Serbia. It was towards the end of the nineteenth century that Italy achieved independence as a nation. And now comefl a great Power with brute force trying to thrust the nations back, crushed and bleeding, into the old dark chasm of servitude. That is what we have been lighting for three years. There are people who say: "But the peril is now past. Why do you not make peace? The Kaiser talks a different language now. You never hear now those resounding phrases about world power. He talks modestly about defending German soil." (Laughter). Who ever wanted to invade German soil? Did Britain with her contemptible little army want to invade Germany? Did Russia, who had not a railway system adequate to keep an army to defend her own frontiers? Was she preparing for invasion? Was France, who was obviously unprepared to protect her own frontier, was she preparing for invasion? Or was it Belgium that was going to invade Germany! (Laughter). Was the Serbian army going to march on Germany? RESTORATION. He knows, he must know, that it is not why he went to war. That is not why he i 9 at war now. Even now, neither he nor his new Chancellor, neither of them, say they would be satisfied with German soil. They talk glib'ly of peace, both of them, but they stammer, they stutter over the word restoration. It has not yet crossed their lips in its entirety. We have challenged them. They can't say it. But before we enter a peace conference they must learn that word to begin with. (Loud cheers). These gallant fellows of whom I am delighted to see specimens here in this meeting, are going to cure the Kaiser in his stuttering. So far he has not learned the alphabet of peace, not the first letter of the alphabet. "Restoration"—that is the first letter. Then we will talk.

That is not all. War js a ghastly •business. But it is not as grim as a bad peace. There is an end to the most horrible war, but a bad peace goes on and on, staggering from one war to another. NO "NEXT TIME." What do they mean? ©o they mean anything when they talk? The truth is—l have followed closely every line they have uttered, and I have watched tjieir papers—the Prussian War 'Lords have not yet abandoned their ambitions. They are not discussing that. They are only discussing the postponement of ihd realisation of these ambitions. There is a feeling, a genuine feeling at this time, that the plot has miscarried. They are perfectly honest about it, and they blame this poor country with Fleet and its factories, and they say had it not been for Britain all would have been well. The next time they mean to make sure. There must be 110 next time. (Loud cheers). We have it on authority that a man in a very high and powerful position in Germany has said: "There will be peace shortly, but the war will be resumed in ten years." That is their idea; that is the way they talk. They say: "There are three tilings we ought to have foreseen. We ought to have ihad plenty of food stoi>ed in Germany. Next time! Then we shall see to it that there is plenty of copper, plenty of cotton. Then we made a mistake about submarines. Instead of having two or three hundred we ought to have had at least two or three thousand. Next time!"

There must be no next time (Loud and prolonged cheers). "ELIMINATE WAR." Far better, in spite of all cost, yea, all the sorrow, or the tragedy of it, all, let's have done with it! Do not let us repeat this horror. Let us he the generation that manfully, courageously, and resolutely, eliminated war from amongst the tragedies of huinan life. Let us make the victory, at any rate, so complete that national liberty, whether for great nations or for small nations, can never be challenged.

That ia the essential in law. The small man or poor man has the same protection as the powerful man, and the little nation must be as well guarded and protected as the powerful nation.

You will ask how are we getting on? Well, like all roads that have ever been constructed there are ups and downs, and no doubt the Russian collapse is a rather deep glen, and I'm not sure that we have reached its darkest level. But across the valley I can see the ascent. (Loud cheers). And I will give you my reasons. Russia herself has been taught by this collapse a great lesson. An army without discipline iB a mere rabble where the brave are sacrificed to protect cowards. The French Revolution taught that country that lesson, otherwise the Prussian and the Austrian would have quenched French liberty in the -blood of its sons. There are people of this country wlio would introduce those methods—those disintegrative methods—into the 'British Army, and set up committees to direct the conduct of the war.

THE BRITISH SOLDIERS' COUNCIL. The nation has chosen its own Workmen and Soldiers' Committee. That is the House of Commons. (Loud applause). If at any time that ceases to represent the nation, well, then, the nation must choose another ; but do not let us muddle things by permitting the setting up of 'two rival and contending Governmentsjn the State. We cannot allow sectional organisations to direct the war nor to dictate the peace. The nation, as a whole, makes the war. The nation, as a whole, makes the peace. (Applause). As it is a common sacrifice it must likewise be a common settlement. That is the way to a satisfactory peace. (Loud applause).

If the Russians retired to the Ural Mountains, with the Germans pursuing them, would they be nearer peace, without annexations and contributions? Why, it would simply mean that the Germans would hay« the gick of the foest laa<U

and impose an indemnity upon the na' tions that could best pay them.

And if we were to follow that example in the West—well, we have not got even 100 miles to run away. We should have been in tho sea—(laughter) —and our great army, which has taken two years to build, with its great equipment, which has taken two years of the best skill and industry of our workmen to manufacture, would have gone. What would have been the use then of going to the Kaiser and saying to that great war lord: "We know that all you want is to protect German soil. We have done our best to protect it by clearing out. Now give us peace. We itrust you." (Laughter). I think they '.would find their mistake pretty soon. That is not the way to ensure peace—not even peace without annexations and contributions.

That is postponing peace, and I am perfectly certain that even those in Russia who are responsible for the policy are realising it as deeply to-day as others who are looking on and see what is before them. THE NEW BATTLE. Here we are, a free country, whose honor is defended by free men, and how brilliantly we are maintaining it. (Loud applause). I see ihat the Germans are very satisfied with the last battle. Well, all I can tell them is this, that the distinguished Commander-in-Chief on the Western Front secured all his objectives in that battle. I am not talking about something that was told me after the fight. He was good enough to inform us as to what the objectives were. They were secured, but the German communique says that all we did was to secure a line of craters. (Laughter). And the flags are up in Berlin!

A line of craters! Who made the craters? Did they dig the craters? Oh, no; the craters mean that, in spite of TJ boats, which we were told about six weeks ago were preventing the British Army from getting their ammunition, -we had enough guns and ammunition to smash the well-constructed lines over which the enemy spent three years of willing and forced labor into a series of formless craters. And tile Kaiser has 'congratulated the commander of the armies upon his powerful disposition and, has ordered the banners up in Berlin. (Laughter). They are pleased with that battle; so are we. MUTUAL SATISFACTION. Now that is the kind of battle we got; it pleases both sides. They have gone two miles. We like advances; they like retreats. (Loud laughter). We like taking prisoners; they like surrendering them. (Renewed laughter). We like smashing their trenches, and they are delighted. Well, now. let this continue to our mutual satisfaction. (Loud laughter). Each retreat, each abandonment of fortifications that have taken three years to construct, will bring new joy to the Kaiser's heart, more congratulations to the Prince of Bavaria, and more banners in Berlin. (Laughter). I believe the Field Marshal proposes to rejoice the Kaiser's heart again and again on those lines. (Laughter).

But do not be misled by these German communiques. It is the British method of advancing with the least cost in life (applause)—by smashing the German trenches and their barbed wire and their machine-gun emplacements, and then ading up to the point with a bombardment, seizing it, and -then pressing on. That takes time, but it is sure, and, in spite of the fact that the Germans profess that they are delighted with it, the prisoners who come in tell a totally different tale. STRAIN OF THE WAR. 'Bui) whilst the Army is fighting so .valiantly let the nation behind be patient Be strong, and, above all, be united. Tha strain is great on nations, and on individuals, and when men get overstrained tempers get ragged, small grievances are exaggerated and small misunderstandings and mistakes swell into mountains. Long \vkrs, like long voyage t s and long journeys, are very trying to the temper, find wise men keep watch on it and make allowances.

There are some who are more concerned about ending the war than about win« ning it. and plans which lead to victory, if they prolong the conflict, have their disapproval, and the people who are responsible for such plans have their condemnation. Let us keen our eyes steadily on the winning of the war. And may I say let us keep both eyes. Some have a cast in their eyes, and whilst one eye is fixed truly on victory,' the other is wandering around on other issues or staring stonily at some pet or partisan project. Beware of it going cross-eyed. (Laughter). Both eyes on victory! (Cheers). Looking neither to right nor to left, That is the way we will win. (Cheers). PERIL OF DISUNION.

Anyone who promotes international distrust or disunion in the nation at this hour is helping the enemy and hurting his native land. (Hear, hear). And it makes no difference whether he is for or against the war. As a matter of fact, the hurt is deeper if lie is for the war, because the pure pacifist, whatever he says, is discounted and, as far as the Ivar is concerned, is discredited.

Let there be one thought in every head. Sow distrust, dinioutent, disunion in a nation and wc shall reap defeat, but if, on the other hand, we sow the seeds of patience, confidence, unity, we shall garner in victory and its fruit.

The last reaches of a climb are always the most trying to the nerve and to the heart. But they are the real test of grit, endurance, and courage—the last one hundred or score of feet in the climb upwards. The climber who turns back when he is almost there never becomes g. great mountaineer, and the nation that turns back and falters before it reaches its purpose never becomes a great people. You have all had experience in climbing I think—no doubt in Switzerland and perhaps in Wales. Any mountaineer can start any sort of mountaineering, can go part of the way' —and very often the poorer the mountaineer the greater his ardour when he does Fatigue and danger wear out the stoutest hearts, and often the most stout-hearted sometimes fail when they coine to the last slippery precipice. But if they do turn back and afterwards look up and see how near they got to the top, how they curse the faintheartedness that bade them give up when they were so near the goal.

No one has any idea, in Britain, France Italy, Russia—no. not in Germany nor in Austria—how near the top we may be. .Lowering crags may hide it from our view, and there are accidents. Russia may have staggered for the moment into a crevasse, but she is still on the rope; she will be in due time up again, climbing, stumbling, firmly for the purpose, and together we will reach the summit of our hopes. (Cheers)'.