RUSSIA TO-DAY.

Taranaki Daily News, 26 March 1917, Page 6

RUSSIA TO-DAY.

BREWING OF THE REVOLUTION. ■ Mr. J. Zeekul, a Russian gentleman, who finds himself in Christchurc-h at tho present time, spoken interestingly to a Times reporter of the history of fhe revolution in Russia, and some of the causes leading to it. It was well known, Mr. Zeekul said, that Russia was two centuries behind flic rest of Europe in modern civilisation. Tiiis was accountable for the Mongolian domination over Russia in the earlier days, which had cut it off from the rest of Europe for over two centuries. When modern reforms were taking place elsewhere Russia was not ripe for them. Tho ruling classes were not slow to notice this and take advantage of the people's ignorance for their own material gain. They had kept education from the masses with a wonderful skill. But notwithstanding their efforts the wheel of progress icould not be entirely stopped, and now and then there had been bloody upheavals, ending always, unfortunately, in favor of the oppressors. One revolt of note took place in Petrograd shortly after the French Revolution, when a party of reformers tried to overthrow the monarchy, but the attempt ended in complete failure. AH the leaders were hanged, and every vestige of revolution ruthlessly exterminated.

The old conditions prevailed till 1864, in the reign of Alexander 11. Then the general discontent was alarming tho Russian aristocracy, but fortunately for them they had a wise Czar, who' said to his noblemen, "If we do not liberate the people from above, they will liberate themselves from below, and the result will be our death." He issued the manifesto of 1864, abolishing serfdom in Russia, but retaining all the land in the hands of the nobility. . This reform alleviated the people's sufferings very little, and if one would look back in Russian 'history one would see continuous small eruptions, called "agrarian revolts," where famine-stricken peasants robbed the estates of the landlords.

In lflOo, after the Russo-Japanese war; revolution again broke out, this time in Moscow, bub it did not extend right through the length and breadth oi the Russian Empire. Thanks to Prime Minister Witte's foresig'litedness, the Czar was persuaded to sign the manifesto of October 19 granting a constitution to Russia and allowing the Duma to be elected. This manifesto calmed the people, and enabled the old regime to strengthen their position. The first Duma was shortly summoned. It consisted of very progressive elements, who started energetically topass Bill after Bill of fundamental reforms, but none of the Bills were put in practice by Ministers or sanctioned by the Imperial Council or signed. by ine Czar. After two months, the Duma was dissolved by a ukase. The members of the progressive parties then met and signed the historic manifesto of Yiborg, calling on thc;pcople not to pay taxes or supply recruits until the Government recalled tho Duma. Almost immediately 160 signatories to the'manifesto, including Knazo Dolgorouko, one of the ablest leaders, .were arrested and banished to Siberia. Mr. Zeekul remarked that the cablegram indicated the release of Dolgorouko, who was bound to have an influential place in the revolutionary movement.

The second Duma, consisting of much nihler elements, was doomed to the same fate, and a third Duma, with reduced electoral rights, sat tiil the war broke out. Its members implored Ministers for reforms, but without success, and the final landslide occurred in the revolution.

About 82 per cent, of the Russian •icoplc, Mr. Zeekul sa'd, were engaged in agricultural pursuits, tilling the land of the owners of big estates. Russian agriculturists lived in large villages where they owned a little land, allotted at so much per soul or, male person. This communal land was not enough to support them, so that they were compelled to work for the "pomesehik,' or lease land from him. The wages would .be very startling to quote. An able workman received annually about £S 10s and food. A casual hand in harvest time got' from'Sd to Is 3d a day. The standard of living of the poor moujik was pitiably low, and his meals consisted principally of black bread and potatoes, and kvao, a weak beverage made of stale black bread. He had°no idea that elsewhere on God's earth people lived better than he lived. It was carefully hidden'from him by the tchinovnik. fu ordinary good years they managed somehow to exist, but the south of Prussia was frequently vfeited by dry summers, and they were ruined. Sometimes, famine-stricken, they made rushes on tho landlord's estate and helped themselves, but in such instances invariably they were visited by Cossacks and punished in the most unspeakable manner. All this iwes very carefully concealed .rom the outside world, Mr. Zeekul said, but such anarchial conditions were almost an everyday occurrence. In good years the people lived from hand to mouth; in bad years they starved in thousands. The lot of the townspeople svas little better, and labor, in the absence of any legislation bearing on it, was mercilessly exploited. This accounted for Russia's industrial backwardness, for while there „was plenty or cheap labor, modern industry would .cmain stagnant. Mr. Zeekul said that he did not tliink ;hcre would be any reversion to a monarchy. He thought that the republic would stay. He was inclined to think' that the Russian revolt .would be an encouragement ti Germany, where the Socialist party had been ever stronger than in Russia. A revolution in e'ermany was quite a .possibility. The mercy was that the ruling classes of Germany and Russia had not come to an understanding, for German organisation, applied to Russian resources, would have set back liberty a hundred years. The Russian revolution was the' best thing that could have happened in Europe. PetropavJovsk, on the Neva, Mr. Zeekul remarked, was a huge fortress specially kept for political prisoners, and usually overcrowded. It was undoubted that hundreds of thousands of political prisoners would be released in Siberia.