BRITAIN'S REPLY.

Taranaki Daily News, 22 December 1916, Page 5

BRITAIN'S REPLY.

•MR. LLOYD GEORGE'S SPEECH

ORGANISING LABOR London, Dec 20. Conlinuiiisi his description of the etbeme for organising labor, Mr. Lloyd Peer"*" said that the Government had 'induced tin Lord Mayoi of Birmingham to accept the position of Director-General f.ndei .his scheme. He would immediately proceed to propose this great new system of enrolment for industrial purposes, and hoped before Parliament resumed to report that they had been able tc mobilise ihe whole labor strength of the country for ,var purposes ' THE IRISH PROBLEM. Turning to the Irish question, he said lie wished it ,vere possible to remove the misunderstanding between Britain and Ireland. He would regard that as a great victory for the Allied forces, as something that would give strength to th; armies and to the Allies. He was convinced it was a misunderstanding, partly racial and partly religious. It was to the interest of both to have it removed, but there seemed to have been feme evil chance that frustrated every effort made for the achievement of better relations.

He had tried once, but had not succeeded. The fault was not entirely on one side. He had felt the whole time that they were moving in an atmosphere of nervous suspicion and distrust pervasive and universal of everything and everybody. He was drenched with suspicion of Irishmen by Englishmen, and of Englishmen by Irishmen, and, worst and most fatal of all, suspicion of Irishmen by Irishmen. It was a quagmire of distrust which clogged the footsteps of r/rorrress that was the real enemy of Ireland.

If that could be slain he believed they would accomplish an act of reconciliation and make Ireland and Britain greater, make the United Kingdom and Empire greater than ever before. Speaking for himself and his colleagues, they would strive to produce that better feclinp which was essential to the solution of the Irish problem, vile asked men of all races, creeds and faith to help the Government, not to fi(;h'e the political question, but to help do something that would bo. a real contribution to winning the war.

THE DOMINIONS, After paying a high tribute to the enormous and incalculable services* of the navy, not merely to the Empire but to' the whole Allied cause, he came to the question of the Dominions. Ministers had repeatedly acknowledged the splendid assistance the Dominions hart given of their own free will to the Old Country in its championship of the cause of humanity, great ideals and national fs'rplay and justice, which appealed to the Dominions just as insistently as to Britain. The Dominion? had recognised throughout that the fight was not a selfish one, the quarrel not merely European, but that great .vorld issues were involved with which their children were as concerned as those of Britain. The new Government was at full of gratitude as the old for the super-valor which their kinsmen had shown on so many stricken fields, but that was not why he. introduced the subject. The reason was that the Government felt the time had come when the Dominions ought more formally to be consulted as to the progress and course oi the war, the steps that ought to he taken to secure victory, and the best methods of garnering in those fruits. It was proposed, therefore, at an early date to summon an Imperial Conference, to place the whole position before the Dominions one: to take counsel with them as to what further action they and we should take together in owlet to achieve an earlj and complete triumph of the ideals they and we have so superbly fought for.

POSITION OF ALLIES. Then Mr. Lloyd George dealt with our relations with our allies. We had already achieved unity of aim, but when it came to the question of unity of action he thought a good deal was still left to be desired. He had only got to refer to the incident of Roumania, and each man. could spell out for himself what it meant. The enemy had two supreme advantages. He could act on internal lines and there was one great dominant Power that practically directed the enemy's forces. We had neither of these advantages, therefore we must achieve the same end by other means. The advantages the Allies possess were advantages which time would ( improve. No one could say that we had made tLe best of that time. There had been tardiness of derision and action; there must be some means of arriving at quicker and readier decisions and carrying theiu out. He believed it could be done. CONTROL OF FOOD. Mr. Lloyd George, continuing, said it was true that to a certain extent you could make up by spring sowing for the amount not sown in winter, but that rever j reduced anything comparable with the winter sowing. The submarine menace in this respect was not the most important consideration. Under these circumstances the late Government decided to appoint a food controller. The luttei would be assisted by the ablest experts in the House. At the head of the Board of Agriculture they had a man (Mr. Prothero) singularly gifted with as thorough a knowledge of the principles and practices of this question as an/ man in this or any other country.

NEED OF UNITY. ■Mr. Lloyd George continued: "There must lie a more real consultation bt (ween the. men who have the direction of'affairs, and less of the feelin« that each country only lias got its own front to look after. The policy of a common front must.be a reality. The enemy has realised this pdlicjv \\t must secure it more and more, instead of having overwhelming guns on one side ana "bare breasts—gallant breasts—on the other That is essential for the Allies and for the curtailment of the period before victory arrives. A PERSONAL NOTE "I would conclude with a personal note. 1 1 might say in all sincerity that one of the regrets of my life is to part from Mr. Asquith. Some of my friends know how I strove to avert it. For years I served under Mr. Asquith, and there tvas never a kindlier or more indulgent chief towards my faults or temper. It was with deep and genuine grief that I felt it necessary to tender my resignation, but there are moments when personal end party considerations must sink, and if I have paid scant heed to the call of

party during the war, it is because I realised from the moment that Prussian .cannon hurled to "death a peaceable and inoffensive little country, that a challenge had been sent to civilisation to decide an issue higher, deeper and wider than all party issues, upon the settlement ot which depends the fate of the men of this world foi generations when existing parties would'have fallen like dead leaves on the highway/

ISSUES l"0 BE KEPT IN VIEW. "These are the issues we want to keep in front of the nation, so we should not falter or faint in our resolves. There is a time in every prolonged and fierce war when in the passion and rage of conflict men forget the high purpose for which they entered it. This .struggle is for international right, for international good faith, the channel along which peace, honor, and goodwill must follow amongst men. The embankments laboriously built up by generations against barbarism have been broken, and had not the might ot Britnin passed into ihe breach. Europe would have been inundated by the flood of savages, with their

INTERNATIONAL MORALITY. "The plain sense of fair play amongst nations, and the growth of international conscience, the protection of the wean against the strong, by a stronger consciousness that justice .has a more powerful backing in the world than greed, the knowledge that any outrage upon fair dealing between nations, great or small, v ill meet with prompt and merited chastisement—these constitute the causeway aiong which humanity is progressing slowly to higher things. The triumph of Prussia in the world would sweep all away and would leave mankind to struggle in a helpless, morass. That is why since the war began I have known but one political aim. For that I have l'niight with a single eye—that is, the rescue of mankind from the most overwhelming catastrophe that ever menaced its wellbeing."

MR. ASQUITH'S CONGRATULATIONS. e London. Dec. 20. Mr. Asquith, who was loudly cheered, heartily congratulated Mr. Lloyd George 0:1 attaining Uie Premiership, and reechoed his disclaimer of party ties. He did not claim the leadership of the Oppesition, because it did not exist, nor did he speak J.s leader of the Liberals, He desired to give the Government all the support possible and the benefit of his experience. '* Though he was unspeakably relieved to have cast off the almost insupportable burdens of office, he regretted that he had been compelled to leave unfinished the task on which he had so long and so strenuously worked. Though there had been errors of judgment and method, he. emphatically denied that the late Government bad been guilty of slaeiv r,e ss, want of thoroughness., or' lack of vhole-heartedness. It was impossible in nnr time to reply to irresponsible mudslingers nor to honest patriotic onlookers. He was content, when the facts werfe disclosed, to leave his Government and his own part to'the judgment of history.

BRITAIN'S SHARE. Mr. Asquitli* reviewed the. British contribution to the war with regard to the army, navy, and finance. Much had been done to minimise the results of the enemy's .violation of the rules of maritime warfare. He believed the arming of merchantmen was the best safeguard. Evidence existed that the blockade of' Germany' was sapping German vitality and turning the thoughts of the German people towards peace. He considered the prospects regarding finance and transport were serious, but" they did not justify misgivings, still less alarm, But problems would not be solved by short cuts aim coups-de-main, as outside critics imagined. He agreed with Mr. Lloyd George's opinion that the failure in Eoumania had been a bad business, but it was.impossible and undesirable at present to apportion the responsibility It illustrated the necessity for the more intimate cooperation of the staffs ami politicians of the Allies, which was geographically difficult. If Mr. Lloyd George devised a more expeditious means of eommuniea.tion he would render the. greatest possible service to the Allied cause.

Mf. Asquith paid a tribute to the Seimme armies and to Sir Douglas Haig's generalship. The primary object of the Semme operations was to relieve Verdun, which for months was the principal objective of German strategy. The loss of' Verdun would have been the gie-atest blow to the Allied cause in the war.

GERMAN PEACE PROPOSALS. Mr. Asqnith asked why Germany, though professedly confident of victory, had besnn to utter suggestions about peace It was not chivalry, but inborn, military and economic necessity. He did not see the slightest reason to believe that Germany was prepared to give reparation and security. If she was prepared to do so, let them say so. Germany wanted us to enter blindfold into negotiations leading to nothing. The only peace worthy of the name would come on one condition—that atonement was made for past wrongs, the weak and downtrodden restored, and faith in tieaties and th*. sovereignty of public law securely enthroned over the-nations cf the world. ME. REDMOND'S TRIBUTE. Mr. Redmond eulogised the patriotism, reticenci. and magnanimity ( of Mr. Asquith's speech and his labors on behalf of Ireland. He assured the Government that it could rely on the support of the Irish party in any policy which the latter believed was calculated speedily and victoriously to end Uie war, but that did not mean that the Premier could count on blind and unquestioning support. He Vac' heard Mr. Lloyd George's references to Ireland with tlie deepest disappointment. They were vague and indefinite, lacking the quality of quick decision which they had been led to expect The Irish question was as urgent as-the war problem, and the Irish party's attitude r.uist depend on the Government's action thereon. Mr. Lloyd George suggested neither palliative nor cure. Mr Redmond urged the immediate, withdrawal of martial law and the release of untried prisoners as best calculated to create a better atmosphere. Drift was the worst possible, policy. Th« 'Government should take the initiative, He warned them against imposing conditions regarding recruiting and conscription. The time was ripe fdr bold and drastic action. THE HOUSE OF LORDS. In the House of Lords, Lord Cursson made a statement similar to that of the Premier. He did not regard the coalition as a, failure. Germany's success in Ro\k mania, was not as great as she claimed. Our attitude should not he one of de-anoTidf-.nre or alarm.

Lord Crewe generally approved the Government policy. The fate Government could ; liave easily lost the war in a month by doing some things pressed from certain quarters. Ho feared the same thing would be true now.

Lord Courtney did not believe our ends were attainable by military operations. We should regard Herr von BethmannHollweg's speech more sympathetically. AMERICAN OPINION. FAVORABLE TO LLOYE GEORfiii't, •SPEECH. New York, Dee. 20. The New York Times, commenting on Mr. Lloyd George's speech, says it will leave the ,vay open for a further exchange of statements. He does not wish to check German development, but refutes the calumny against Britain and her allies that the Central Powers havi nil the civilisation. He supports the Allies in the demand for the extermination of Prussian militarism, which is the essential /condition of peace. The Tribune says that the reply is simpl? and straightforward. We shall now see whether the Germans propose to manoeuvre in earnest for the restoration of Belgium and Serbia, which must bo included in the minimum conditions pven before the discussion of peace. The New York Herald declares that if Germany refuses to disclose her terms she confesses that her original proposr*\ were merely a diplomatic false pretence. The Sun says that Mr. Lloyd George spoke with the force of England that does not turn back or quit without reunits. Washington officials opine that there is still a possibility of a conference. Count Bornstorff expects a further exchange of Notes. Germany ma> offer concessions, "but will be unwilling to state her specific '-»rms prioV to a conference.

NEWSPAPER CRITICISM. UNANIMOUS APPROVAL, Received Dec. 21, 5.5 p.m. London, Dee. 20. The newspapers unanimously approve cf Mr. Lloyd George's statement as to the Allies' attitude regarding the peace offer. The Times, in a leader, says Mr. Lloyd George's war programme completely relleets Britain's resolves an! wishes. The nation endorses the vast and momentous programme gladly following the lead.

"A CRY OF WEAKNESS.' SPEECH BY FRENCH PREMIER. Received Dec. 21, 5.5 p.rsParis, Dee. 20. Speaking in the Senate, M. Briand (Prime Minister) said the Allies will in concert reply to Germany immediately, ii'tjmating that it Is clearly impossible to take the peace proposal seriously while Germany is calling up the last reserves of her population and deporting tile inhabitants of Belgium. Germany, he continued, was pr sing through difficult times. She was wavering, and was not victorious. She was not conscious ot pea,ee, otherwise she would impose it on the world. "This ery of peace is a cry '■'. weakness. Our answer is the victory at Verdun!" *, GERMAN VIEWS. .AMERICAN' EMBASSY'S SIGNIFICANT DECLARATION. Received Dec. 21, 11 p.m. Washington, Dec. 21). Count Bernstorff, discussing Mr. Lloyd George's speech, stated it sounded as if the.Allies would not refuse to talk peace. German officials expect Herr Beth-mann-Hollweg will now confidentially communicate peace terms. Washington, Dec. 20. Official. —The German Embassy says: —We will discuss any. proposal that the Allies may make. Germany has as big a claim for an indemnity witli regard to East iPrussia as the Allies have for Belgium, but perhaps it would be cheaper to pay an indemnity than proceed with the war, for the cost of si); months' more war would pay a lot of indemnities. There appears to be an inclination in German quarters to think that Bulgaria and Turkey will be forced to pay tin- piper at the finish. The Chicago Tribune's; special despatch from Washington says that if Britain wishes to know the terms of peace, Germany will respond to a proposal for disarmament and the formation of a League * f Nations to enforce peace, and give a definite invitation to hold a conference at the Hague. If England makes reparation a condition of the peace ■parley.- Germany will agree with th: suggestior. But the Teuton? also want reparation for the ravages of the Russians, first in East Prussia. The correspondent gives this as the official view of the prospects of peace.

MR. MASSEY DENOUNCED. BY GERMAN NEWSPAPERS Received Dee. 21, 8 p.m.. London, Dec. 21. Several German newspapers denounce Mr. Massey's utterances, the Vorwarts asserting that the New Zealander's opinion'would not influence responsible Englishmen. A MODEST DEMAND REDUCTION OF BRITAIN'S NAVAL SUPREMACY. Received Dec. "}l, 8.25 p.m. London, Dee. 20. The Frankfurter Zeitung, in an inspired article, reveals that the German peace overtures include the reduction of Britain's naval supremacy, and the-re-arrangement of Continental Europe on the 'basis of the present war position, and a colonial settlement satisfying German ambitions. It adds that Germany recognises England's seapower, and admits that it has not succeeded in breaking it).

A LASTING PEACE. THE JERMANS' GREAT COXCERX. Itoceived Dee. 21, S p.m. London, Dee. 20. A German wireless message protest* against the foreign Press repeatedly interpreting the rl'er of peace as an attempt to obtain a truce. This was a mistaken idea. The Central Powers had stilted their readiness to confer with belligerents with a view of negotiating conditions, which, according to the belief of the Central t'owers, would make possible the conclusion of a lasting peace. The question at issue now is whether the Entente is ready to listen to such communications from the Central lowers at a conference The qucs. tion of an armistice is totally different. The Central Powers believe for military reasons "that an armistice is only possible after the first basis is arranged in the negotiations. Hen- Bethmann-Holl-weg expressly stated that the eondi tions had riot yet been forwarded, but the Central Powers intend to submit the conditions at the conference.

THE GULF WIDE, BETWEEN BRTTAIN AXD GER- ' MAXY. Received Dee, 21, 10 p.n*. Amsterdam, Dec! 20. The Tageblait says the gulf, at present at any rate,, between the British and German standpoints is very great. The Lokal Anzciger states:—lf Mr. Lloyd George means to postpone satisfying Europe's desire for peace until the Lntente is victorious, it will mean eternal war, unless the German army is able to bring it to an earlier termination than Mr. Lloyd George supposes. /The Amsterdam Telegraaf statj* that if the Central Powers hoped-,: to sow confusion amongst the Entente, the speech by Mr. Lloyd George shows their complete mistake. If the Kaiser, realiy wants to end the world's blood-bath, let him evacuate the territory and pay the damage.

£ NOTEWORTHY OMISSION Received Dec. 21. S p.m. London, Dec 21. The Foreign Ofiicc has issued the text of.the German Note, which is identical with Tic it Bcthmann-Hollwcg's speech. It is noteworthy that Germany has not transmitted a copy to Belgium. ,t Berlin, Dec. 20. A wireless states that the new peace movement is being considered in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland, wherein they wish co-operation ,vith Holland. THE PARTNERSHIP OF LABOR London, Dee. 20. Mr. Lloyd George, referring to the constituency of-a Minister, said it was necessary to have a franker and fuller recognition of the partnership of labor. They realised it was impossible to conduct the war without getting the complete and unqualified support of Labor, He was also anxious to obtain Labor's assistance and counsel for the conduct of the war. Mr. Timothy Heaiy approved of the Government's reply to Germany. ''We cannot," he said, "sign a peace which fails to return to France every acre held before the 1870 war." GENERAL MANGIN'S VIEWS. •REPLY TO HYPOCRITICAL OVERXUIUiS WITH BAYONET.'' Paris, December 10. General Mnngin, in an Army Order to the Verdun troops, says: "Our fathers of the revolution refused to treat with the eneinv while lie polluted the country's sacred soil., We will never negotiate with perjured governments vho regard treaties as scraps of papers, and who assassinate women and children. We will dictate terms after the final victory, and reply to hypocritical overtures with the bayonet." Other generals have issued similar stirring proclamations.