The Daily News. FRIDAY, MAY 26, 1916. MILITARY SERVICE.

Taranaki Daily News, 26 May 1916, Page 4

The Daily News. FRIDAY, MAY 26, 1916. MILITARY SERVICE.

The terms of the Military Service Bill, brought down in the House of Representatives on Wednesday night, are described by out Wellington correspondent as drastic, but to anyone who has thought at all of the war situation the terms are only what could have been expected. The country is ripe for compulsion. Public opinion has favored compulsion from the beginning of the trouble, but the Government lias for years been far bdliind public opinion. I' has followed where it should 'have led. Compulsion has practically been forced upon tlie Government owing to the shortage of the drafts. If we had had real political leadei'3, instead of amiable, well-meaning administrators, compulsion would 'liavc obtained from the day war was proclaimed, and every able-bodied man of military age would have had 'by this time some measure of training. There would have also been some equality of sacrifice, and many of the eligibles who have been hanging back and allowed better men than themselves to fight their battles would now have been in the firing line. The Bill provides for the men being placed in a special reserve of two divisions, the first consisting of unmarried men and widowers without children, and men married since the war broke out. The second division will consist of all others between the ages of twenty and fortyfive, to be divided into whatever classes the Government may think fit. Men found to be unfit may be employed in military service within Kew Zealand. Appeals on the grounds of non-eligi-bility through occupation or domestic ties may he heard by boards specially appointed for the purpose. The Bill is far-reaching. Employers, for instance, may not employ reservists unless enrolled. The Government may proclaim that voluntary enlistment shall cease in any district at any time, and then make whatever drafts desired on the reserve. In the epitome of tlie Bill's provisions no mention is made of indemnifying a man who lias financial obligations. Most men in business have financial ties, and

it the Government require and demand his services for tlic purposes of war, tl>cn it must, in justice, afford Tiim some measure of protection as regards h** business responsibilities. Perhaps discriminatory power will be given the hoards in matters of this kind, but the question is of such vital importance that statutory provision should be enacted lo protect a man's interests in the manner mentioned. With the war lasting till 1917 at least, as is more than probable, we will require every available man for the front, but it has to lie borne in mind at the same time that it is equally important that we have h ft men enough to man the primary industries and keep the country's business all'airs going. Soldiers must have the food that we can produce, and the all'airs of the country must be main--1 tsined, or chaos will rule and no money be available for paying taxes. We have despatched and have in training nearly 00,000 men. We can take it for granted that double that number will be required before the war is cleared up. To secure that number may severely tax, but not absolutely imperil, the industries of the country, If the rest of the Empire put in the field a proportionate number of men we should have forces sufficient for the job. It would mean Australia finding 000,000, Canada a million, South Africa 300,000, Britain and Ireland five millions, without India and the smaller dependencies. These would total seven million—twice as many, perhaps, as the French have in the field. Mr. Churchill thinks the Enipire'a man power should be used remorselessly, and advocates the raising of an African negro army and a huge Indian army. Victory, he shows, can only come from the possession and utilisation of bigger armies than the enemy, and there are few students of the war who will disagree with that conclusion. We have to do our part,'and the Military Service Bill is a token of New Zealand's Intention in ' that behalfe

STRAFING BRITAIN-- ! Only a German would persist in telling' tlie incredulous world that the responsibility for the war rested with Britain mill not with Germany. The German gives no one credit for any perception or intelligence, attributes af which he lias convinced himself in his -colossal conceit he lias a monopoly. But the world is not peopled altogether by guileless children, and the statement made by the German Chancellor, in repiy to Sir Edward Grey, will be appraised at its true worth., which- is not muc-lij. It is really incredible that Betfimann-Hollweg could expect the world to swallow statements like this (as cabled oil Wednesday)'-Britain, and not Germany, -has prosecuted a policy of militarism for twenty years in Egypt, at Fashoda, in the Boer war, and at Algeciras, where, according to Sir E. Grey's admission, -he promised France assistance in the event of war, and both General Staffs began to come to an agreement." If Britain .was intent on war, why had she a diminutive standing army of under 200,080 men? Why had she no stock of munitions or guns?- Wliy did she make overtures to Germany for a decrease in naval expenditure and a frank understanding having for its object the peace of the world? Why, in the name of common sense, could Britain desire war when she -had absolutely nothing to gain even if she were successful, and everything to lose? Neutrals know quite well that Germany deliberately provoked the war for her own selfish pur-poses. They know as well as the Germans that they had been planning for this war for decades, and that they were bent on crushing both France and Russia and then aiming at the subjection of Britain and so gaining the supremacy of the world. These facts are self-evident to everybody. But the Teutons' little game was entirely spoilt. First they expected to waltz through Belgium, and they were resisted. That resistance put their plan out of joint. It allowed Britain to throw her small army across the Channel and to link up- with the French. Ever since the Allies have been playing for time to enable them to make up leeway in the matter of artillery and munitions and to enable Britain to marshal and train her manhood to arms. The British Navy has also created unexpected difficulties for the Huns. It is principally Britain that lias thwarted Germany's fell purpose. and that this is recognised in Germany is shown by the splenetic statements by Bethmann-Hollweg and other Ilun leaders. "It is daily clearer that Britain is Germany's arch-enemy," says the German Liberal Party. Of course it is true. Britain is the arch-enemy of a nation of foul murderers, and will never rest until they are adequately punished for their infamous deeds and until civilisation is free from their menace ' and blighting influence. Britain did not lightly draw the sword. She knew she would suffer, and suffer severely, but it is to her immortal credit that when it came to choose between neutrality and intervention, between wrong and right, -between moral enslavement and freedom, she never 'hesitated in her duty. And Britain, the Germans can now see, will nevelr waver in her determination to see this awful struggle through to the bitter end. She has not counted the cost, and never will. ■ Righteousness will prevail in the long run, and Britain with her Allies have righteousness on their side if ever countries at war had, and Germany has nothing but wrong and evil on -hers. The way may be long and hard—longer and 'harder, we are afraid, than we : allow ourselves to think —but eventually the Allies' cause miist prevail. The writing is on the wall, and nothing the Germans can say or do will affect its significance.