IRELAND.

Taranaki Daily News, 13 May 1916, Page 5

IRELAND.

A MAD REVOLUTION. - NATIONALIST MANIFESTO. London, May 11. The Nationalist manifesto refers to the mad and unsuccessful attempt at revolution, and solemnly appeals to Irishmen to choose between anarchy or full support of the constitutional movement; no mean course is possible. It recalls the fact that two-thirds of the land is now in the hands of the people and the remainder becoming so. Irish laborers are now the best housed and most comfortable and independent in the world. The most poverty-stricken districts have become happy and prosperous.

The constitutional movement has been triumphantly vindicated, therefore it 'has every right to demand that people should uphold it till its mission is accomplished. On their answer depends the fate of the country, , ; „_„ _ DEAD REBEL'S LETTER, BLAMES THE MILITARY. London, May 11. Skeffington, in a letter to the editor of the Daily Chronicle on April 7, warned him that the situation in Ireland was extremely grave. The military were pursuing Prussian plana unobserved by the British public, and when an explosion occurred the militarists would endeavor to delude the public as to where the responsibility lay. He wrote in the hope that enough sanity and commonsense was left to restrain the militarists while yet there was time. He pointed out two distinct danger points—firstly, that the Irish Volunteers were prepared to resist forcible disarmament; secondly, that the Citizen Army would similarly resist disarmament, also any attempt to suppress the. Journal of the Workers' Republic, the successor to the suppressed Irish Worker. British militarists in Ireland knew perfectly that both organisations were comprised of determined men. If General Friend disarmed volunteers or raided the Labor press it would only be because be wanted bloodshed, and because he wanted to provoke another 1798 and get an excuse for a machine-gun massacre.

The Chronicle did not publish Skeffington's letter on its receipt, but forwarded it to the responsible authorities,

TRIAL OF LOOTERS, JOURNALISTS SHOT. London, May 11. Many prisoners are being tried in Dublin for looting. So anxious are the looters to get rid of the plunder that they have surreptitiously deposited hundreds of pounds' worth in Catholic churches. Henry Dixon and J. Maclntyre were shot similarly to Skeflington. They were journalists who conducted obscure newspapers, which from time to time were suppressed by the Castle authorities. VIEWS OF IRISH MEMBERS. ANNULMENT OF MARTIAL LAW URGED. London, May 11. At a meeting of Irish members, Mr. Eedmond presiding, a resolution was passed expressing grief and horror at the destruction of property in Dublin, knowing the inability of the sufferers or the ratepayers to make good the damage. They emphatically declared that the Government ought to bear the cost. They were also convinced that continued executions would increase the bitterness and exasperation. It was not in the Empire's or Ireland's interests to have further executions. They urged the immediate annulment of martial law.

CIVILIAN CASUALTIES. MR. ASQUITH WILL VISIT IRELAND. MR. DILLON PROUD OF THE REBELS. MISDIRECTED ENTHUSIASM. London, May 11. Sir. Asquitn is going to Ireland immediately to consult the civil and military authorities. In the House of Commons, Mr. Asquith said the civilian casualties in Ireland were 190 killed and 614 wounded. Mr. John Dillon moved, that the Government make a full statement of its intentions concerning the continuance of executions and martial Jaw. Referring to Skeffington, he asked how could the populace be blamed for believing that dozens were secretly shot in the barracks. Stories of executions were embittering the country. The action of military searchers in making arrests was transforming loyalists into disloyalists, and loosing a river of blood between the races when they had been almost brought together. Ireland was largely in the hands of the clubs of Dublin, and these influenced the military authorities. The clubs talked of the rebellion as the best thing that ever happened, bringing martial law and ending for ever the rotten Nationalist Party. If this programme was to 'be enforced it would require 100,000 men to garrison the country. (Irish cheers.) The rebels were foolish, but he was proud of them. A member cried out: "Now you have shown your hand."

■Mr. Dillon, proceeding, said the rebels were the victims of misdirected enthusiasm. They fought cleanly and superbly. Here there was further interruption. Mr. Dillon: "It would be a damned good thing if your soldiers were able to fight similarly; three thousand against twenty thousand with artillery." He appealed to the Government to abolish martial law and executions. _.*- ■

GENERAL MAXWELL'S REPORT. General Maxwell reports that the Dublin court-martial of active partici pants is finished, and that those in the provinces are proceeding. In view, of the gravity of the rebellion, its German support, and the loss of life and property, it has been imperative to inflict the severest sentences on the organisers and active fighters of a detestable rising in the hope that such would deter intriguers, as the murder of the King's *>A*cts would net be t.ol«ratt(i,

REBELLION DEBATE.

STATEMENT BY MR. ASQUITH. THE CASUALTIES. Received May 12, 6.35 p.m. London, May 11. In the House of Cojumons Mr. Asquith emphasised the Government's desire to allay bitterness, and appealed for greater approximation and a greater feeling of sympathy between all parties. Infinite mischief could be done by any word that was calculated to obstruct or impair the chance of a happy and desirable consummation foi quiet. It wa3 true that nine out of ten Irishmen were on the side of tile law. When it is remembered, he said, that the casualties among the military and civic population were 1315, including 304 killed, their sympathies ouglit not to be entirely monopolised by the unfortunate misguided victims of an unhappy criminal insurrection. THE DEATH SENTENCES, Mr. Asquith. explained the principal death sentences. He said that five out of seven who were shot signed the proclamation, and seven others commanded the rebels. The third class consisted of the murderers, of whom there had been only one sentenced to death. The sentences of the two other signatories to the proclamation had been confirmed, and of these one took a most active part in the rebellion. It would be unfair to accord to these men preferential treatment, as their five comrades were properly executed, and therefore he did not see why he should interfere with General Maxwell's decision. So far as he knew, there was no reason to resort to the extreme penalty in the other cases, unless they were those of murder, when trial would take place in open court. / EXCITEMENT IN THE HOUSE. Received May 12, 8 5 p.m. London, May 11. There was much excitement in the Commons, the Nationalists and Ulstermen attending in full force, particularly as there were reports that negotiations were afoot for Sir E. Carson and Mr. Redmond to participate in settling the whole Irish question. This rumor may be premature, but many think, that the temper of the moderate members of the House of Commons is suitable for a settlement, for the first time in a century. Lord Derby is mentioned a 9 Lord Wimborne's successor.

■Mr. Samuel and Mr. Asquith were sharply questioned concerning the executions, particularly that of Skeffington, whom a section of the newspapers is magnifying as a hero who was working desperately to stop the fighting. Mr. Tennant said that 170G rebels had been deported, and there had been fourteen executions.

Mr. Dillon immediately accused the Government of not keeping its promise that there would be no further executions, pending a debate. Mr. Asquith later explained that there had only been thirteen executions. A BRAVE IRISH BOY. In a telling passage in Mr. Dillon's impassioned speech he narrated how a number of rebels had been asked to give evidence against their comrades. A hoy, of 15 years of age, refused. An officer said: "You will be shot." The boy replied: "Shoot away!" (Nationalist cheers.) The boy was blindfolded, placed against a wall and made to hear the click of revolvers. Finally he was asked to answer, but he replied: "Now, shoot!" The troops, relieved, then took off his bandage. MR.| DILLON EXCITED. Mr. Dillon added: This damnable House ought to he ashamed. My son, seventeen years of age, asked permission to enlist in the army, and I consented, but I will never do so row. , A SENSATIONAL ANNOUNCEMENT. Mr. Asquith's dramatic announcement that he is going to Ireland took the sting out of the attack on the Government. The incident has recalled his sensational decision to take over the War Office at the time of the Ulster trouble. Mr. Asquith agreed that a great body of the insurgents fought bravely and conducted themselves with humanity, contrasting most favorably with our civilised enemies in the field. The position in Ireland, he said, was more satisfactory. The Government had the greatest confidence in General Maxwell's discretion and conduct of a delicate and difficult jurisdiction. Ireland could not remain under martial law, and Mr. Asquith said he had come to the conclusion that it was his duty to go to Ireland without delay, not to supersede the executive, but to consult the civil and military authorities, in order to arrive at arrangements for the future, which would commend themselves to the general sense of the Irish and other parties in the House.

Mr. Dillon's motion was negatived without a division.

MR. TIMHEALY'S VIEWS. Received May 12, 8.20 p.m. London, May 12. In the Commons, Mr. T. Healy congratulated Mr. Asquith on his decision. Those people governing Ireland had been grossly misled, and by some of his own countrymen. Others besides the Sinn Fciners might well, be called to account. The rising had been grossly exaggerated, and was suppressed without military skill or judgment, and with wholesale and colossal loss of life and property. MARTIAL LAW TO CONTINUE. MOTION OF CENSURE AGREED TO. Received May 12, 8.20 p.m. London, May 12. Lord Lansdowne, in the House of Lords, said that Sinn Feiners who had been in the Government employ had been discharged, and it was not intended to allow arms in Ireland without a license. Martial law would continue until there was perfect security. Lord Lorebum's motion of censure of the Government was agreed to without a division. " .

A STAB IN THE BACK. Lord Lansdowne said that the rebellion was one of the most discreditable and. moat humiliating episodes in the recent history of Ireland. It was a stab in the back, instigated by foreign intrigue, and to some extent paid for by money from our enemies. Had not the rebellion miscarried at the outset, he was convinced that the rebels would have flocked to their standard. Regarding the blame, it was unfair to say that the Government was making a sca»ego-at gf Mr. Birreli,

HARD CRITICISM.

OF MR. BIRRELL. Received May 12, 11.50 p.m. London, May 12. Lord Halsbury, in the House of Lords, wished to know what information the Government 'had acted upon, and whether it had allowed that which had caused the calamity. Lord Cromer said that while he thought the best chance of winning the war was to support the Government, yet before it could accept Mr. Birrell's regrets lie felt inclined to say: "Give us back those priceless lives of officers and men who have been sacrificed by your neglect, want of foresight, and culpable optimism." SKEFFINGTON'S EXECUTION. 'Received May 12, 6.40 p.m. London, April 11. Two hundred corpses have been found amid the ruins of rooms, roofs, chimneys, and yards in the lanes of Dublin. Skeffington, when executed, refused to be blindfolded, and remarked to the officers: "You will find that you are making a mistake." He put liis hand before his eyes, which a bullet perforated. He died with a smile on his lips.