BRITAIN.

Taranaki Daily News, 7 January 1916, Page 5

BRITAIN.

CONSCRIPTION QUESTION. DEMONSTRATION AGAINST MB. LLOYD GEORGE. MUNITION'S BILL PASSED. London, Jan. 5. The Independent Laborites and a handful of anti-conscriptionist Liberals below the gangway led a demonstration against Mr. Lloyd George, and gloated over his hostile reception on the Clyde. The Munitions Bill was read a third time.

Mr. Lloyd George argues that restriction of the mobility of Labor is absolutely essential to victory. The task of turning out munitions is more serious than he dared tell. He repudiated a statement that the Government treated the workers' opinions as negligible.

IRISH UNIONISTS INDIGNANT. DO NOT WANT EXCLUSION. London, Jan. 5. Lord Kituhener will make a statement on recruiting in the House of Lords this evening. There have been many sectional conferences among members of the House of Commons in view of Thursday's debate. Mr. Dillon attended an anti-eonscrip-toinist meeting, at which Sir Edward Carson presided. An Irish Unionists' meeting sent a resolution to Mr. Bonar Law and Mr. Asquith declaring that exclusion of Ireland was an insult and a humiliation to a loyal and patriotic people, and an abandonment of the principle of equality of sacrifice. The executive of the South Wales Miners' Union will attend Thursday's conference to oppose compulsion. MR. ASQUITH'S SPEECH. OPPOSED TO COMPULSION. The Bill excepts conscientious objectors, workers of national importance, and sole supporters of dependents, and excludes Ireland. Conscripts will have the same privileges as Derbyites. Mr. Asquith stated that he was personally of opinion, in view of the results of Lord Derby's campaign, that no case had been made out for general compulsion.

A MOMENTOUS OCCASION. LONDON AT FEVER HEAT. There is no need to doubt that the country is ou the eve of a great occasion and the House of Commons on the eve of a momentous decision. London is simmering with excitement, gradually working up to a climax. . Everyone is asking himself what the fate of voluntarism will be. Will the House docilely accept Cabinet's decisions? Will the Labor Conference be convinced after Mr. Asquith's and others' speeches? Even Cabinet's decisions remain in doubt. It is believed Cabinet's final steps will not be settled until the eleventh hour. The excitement is infectious. It was an animated spectacle at Westminster, where the public were watching the arrival of prominent politicians. The lobbies are crowded.

Lord Derby and Lord Islington were among the numerous peers in the gallery of the House of Commons. Sir John Simon occupied a seat in the second row above the gangway, whence Mr. Winston Churchill bid farewell to the House. Mr. Tennant created a painful sensation in a crowded House when he announced that the casualties at Loos included 2378 officers and 57,288 men, THE PLEDGE. Mr. Asquith was cheered when lie rose and introduced the Military Service No. i Bill. He commenced with a wholehearted eulogy of the patriotism revealed by Lord Derby's figures. The results would convince their allies and also their enemies that the people of the L'nited Kingdom had their heart in the war and were prepared to meet any call. Speaking for himself, he was of opinion that no case had been made out for general compulsion at present. The Bill could be sincerely supported by those who, either from principle, or, as was his own case, on the ground of expediency, were opposed to conscription. A pledge was given to married men because there was overwhelming evidence that they were holding back in large numbers. If an assurance had not been given the whole campaign would have broken down. When the pledge was given there were no signs of protests or remonstrance, and the effects were very considerable.

FINE RESPONSE TO THE CALL. BUT THE BILL NECESSARY. Quoting figures, Mr. Asquith showed that nearly three million men came forward. (Cheers.) The vcernits available immediately were over a million. These were wonderful and encouraging results, showing that the country was prepared to meet any call for sustained effort and continuous self-sacrilice. (Cheers.) There had been considerable controversy in the autumn as to whether they could best do their duty to the country by preserving voluntarism or by adopting some form of general compulsion. These differences of opinion penetrated the Cabinet, and he believed the differences still existed. Personally he would be no party to a Bill providing for genera, compulsion. Mr. Asquith added that he should be glad if they could have done without the Bill, but though a keen supporter of voluntarism lie considered the Bill necessary. Not only Lord Derby, but the employers, labor, and voluntary convassers gave him overwhelming evidence that his pledge had been necessary. It showed that while married men were willing and anxious to serve, they were holding back in large numbers before they committed needing an assurance thas the single men would do their duty. Unmarried men were generally better soldiers than married, because the latter generally had more responsibilities. H no assurance had been given there was a serious danger of the whole campaign breaking down, and where should we hgre s*s fowl

ONLY .TWO WAYS. ' Received Jan. 0, 5.5 p.m. London, Jan. 6. Continuing, Mr. Asquith said he never thought—though, perhaps, he was too sanguine—that the contingency contemplated by the pledge would be realised. Hi! had hoped and believed it would not, but they had to face the fact, and if he were forced to confront the same, situation again he would take precisely the same course. There were (150,000 unaccounted unmarried men, and while he was prepared to make large deductions he was totally limbic to treat the figures as anything but substantial and considerable.

Mr. Asquith added that Sir John Simon thought the figures could be reduced to an inconsiderable quantity, but he (Mr. Asquith) did not share this view. Therefore there were only two ways in which the pledge could be tillfilled. Firstly, it would be possible to release the married men, numbering 400,000, and this would create a huge gap. The scheme had provided for a million men, which the House had /oted the other day. The second course was to provide for single, men of military age, who had no ground for exemption or excuse for not doing their duty to the state in times like this why thoy shou'd be treated as though they attested or enlisted. This course would U t.iken. CONFINEMENTS OF THE HILL. The Bill was confined to the pledge given to Lord Derby's scheme, arid therefore was limited to Great Britain. It would come into operation on the twenty-first day after the Bill nass-cd, and would last for the period of the war only. It applied to British subject? who, on the 15th of August, had attain*! Hie age of IS and not more than 41 jcbsm, unmarried or widowers without children. EXEMPTIONS. The exemptions included men not originally resident in Britain, or :vs'.(ur;t for educational or other special purposes, men of holy orders, regular ministers of any denomination, and conscientious objectors to combatant service (Dissent.) Mr. Asquith said he was very sorry to hear expressions of dissent and derision. He pointed out that William Pitt and his successor, in enforcing the militia ballot, expressly exempted people who had conscientious objections, such as Quakers. Our Australasian and South African fellow subjects, who adopted compulsory military service, included these exceptions, with the best results. Indeed, he (Mr. Asquith) believed that the words in the proposed Act were taken from the colonial Acts, and on these grounds the Bill had been carefully devised to meet all cases of possible hardship, in order to secure that none came under the obligations of the Bill unless there was manifestly no reasonable ground for not responding to the country's call. The exemptions also included those who are in ill-health, those who suffer from physical infirmity, men engaged in work of'national importance, and men with dependents. There was also exemption in cases wherein a family had sent three or more sous to the war, who were perhaps wounded or killed, leaving a single unmarried son to work for the family. It would be a monstrous injustice to call such a man. Certificates might also be granted to any Government Department's employees after consultation with the War' Office.

The (Bill proposed a service tribunal in enc.ii local registration area, and a larger appeal tribunal in bigger areas, with a final appeal to the central body in London. He hoped the Bill would be passed wi«h something of the nature of general assent, and he was sanguine enough to anticipate this fortune for the Bill when its provisions were clearly understood. SIR JOHN SIMON OPPOSES. Received Jan. B, 5.5 p.m. London, Jan. 5. In the House of Commons, Sir John .Simon strongly opposed the Bill, declaring that the actual minority who" had not attested was negligible. LORD KITCHENER'S SPEECH. SUCCESS OP HIS SCHEME. Received Jan. 0, 5.5 p.m. London, Jan. 5. In the House of Lords. Lord Kitchener said the voluntary system should be given the fullest and fairest trial, but without modification it was unequal to maintaining the army needed to secure victory. He continued: ''Speaking in this House seventeen months ago I stated the broad principles of the military steps I considered necessary to meet, the emergency of the war. My scheme was based on a definite plan to secure by successive increases of our military strength an army commensurate with our power and responsibilities, with a proper complement of reserves and reinforcements. The scheme also aimed at keeping up the army's effective strength In the field during the war. Further, we bad to produce for the army thus created guns, ammunition, and military material requisite to maintain its fighting value. This scheme bad developed under the existing voluntary military service system."

THE TIDE EBBS, .turd Kitchener continued: "I must say that this system has given results far «reater lliau most of us dared to predict, certainly beyond anything our enemies contemplated, lien in the ean.v stages of the war responded to the call in almost embarrassing tlionsnnds, and the steady How of recruits was maintained until a few months ago, giving men in as large numbers as we could train and equip. Tt is now necessary to keep up the large army wd now possess by a constant supply of reserves, replenishing the wastage of war. Recently, however, the numbers of voluntary recruits ceased to ensure full\provision for the necessary trained reserves, and it is essential to redeem ilr. Asquith's pledge in order to maintain the voluntary principle, as regards the married men in the future. A SOLDIERLY VIEW. "Personally, I always hoped we would finish the war successfully without changing the system which has done so well, as I had been given sueli splendid material. As our soldiers are now fighting in different theatres of the war I do not consider that the proposed change should be regarded in the light of any derogation of the principle of voluntary service. It only affects, during a period, one class of men amongst whom there are undoubtedly a certain number who have but a poor idea of their duties as citizens, and require some persuasion, greater than an appeal, to bring them to the colors. Whilst there are some ahirkers in tbia class there are doubt*

less many whose reasons for not joining Will be found valid. lam far from wishing it thought that all to whom tlie new proposals apply can be described as shirkers, and many of them, who probably have conflicting calls, will only be too happy if the Government should rcsolvo the doubts which they are unable to decide themselves. "In making these remarks 1 speak as a soldier, with a single eye on the successful conduct of the war. I feci sure that everyone will agree to the fullest and fairest trial of the system which I found in existence, and of which I have felt it my duty to make the best use. The Government is now asking Parliament to sanction the change that has been proposed in the special circumstances in this utterly unprecedented struggle. "The existing system, without modifications, is unequal to maintaining the army needed to secure a victory." Lord Crewe said that the fact that a number of unmarried men had not attested was due to an imperfect realisation of the situation, rather than a deliberate refusal to help the country* The present proposals ought to excite no disunion either in Parliament or in the country. During the coining year the most stupendous exertions must be made by us and the Allies if we were to secure complete victory, which he had every reason to believe would be ours.

COME FORWARD. Received Jan. G, 8.35 p.m. London, Jan. 6. "It is still hoped that the Bill will be a dead letter. Let these men come forward of their own free will. The group system has been re-opened, but in the meantime the Government must make provision to keep its promise and must not allow it to be said that they dallied or delayed in their performance of an obligation of honor." SIR JOHN SIMON'S VIEWS. Sir John Simon, who followed Mr. Asquith, said that he did not rise to make a personal explanation. He had made his choice, which had been all the more difficult and painful because he owed Mr. Asquith all the nelp arid encouragement which could have been given a younger man, at e\ery opportunity. He enjoyed party life, but it seemed to him that this'Bill should be resisted. The Bill was specially recommended because of the fulfilment of a pledge. It must be distasteful to Mr. Asquith that many who effusively assured him of their perfect confidence that he would keep his word, were the very men belonging to nwspapers who for years past had made it a trade to accuse him, without reason, of breaking faith. A sensitive, scrupulous, and honorable man, exposed to such gratuitous insults from such quarters, might well be too ready to perform what he thought was the letter of his bond before the conditions he attached had been fulfilled. The issue was not that of a great statesman's faith, and there was no honest Englishman who doubted but that the real issue was whether or not to introduce a fundamental change in society.

THE NEGLIGIBLE MINISTER. Sir John Simon continued: Lord Derby's report lias not shown the bankruptcy of the voluntary effort, but the attachment of a National institution whereby alone a nation could remain united. He hoped that the Bill would not reach the Statute Book, but if it did he would not associate himself with anyone violently resisting the law. He regarded compulsion not as a mere expediency but as a vital principle of the national life. Mr. Asquith, on November 2nd, had indicated that compulsion could only be brought in by something like general consent. He believed that men were still remaining in the Cabinet who possessed views identical to his own. The condition attached to Mr. Asquith's pledge was that the facts must be fully learned, and that legislation would come Afterwards. That condition had not been fulfilled. There were many strange features in Lord Derby's report, and the strangest was the manner of the negligible minority being attached to the wrong figure; the right figure was the number of spareable men for military service, and who dared say that that the figure was more than a negligible minority? He doubted whether there was a substantial number of shirkers, for whom he had not any sympathy, but the Bill reversed the promised programme. The Government was now legislating first, and investigating afterwards. Some people regarded voluntaryism as a priceless heritage, and if we"are going to sell our birthright we should make sure that our mess of pottage provides a square meal. The Bill had brought compulsion on in the dark arousing bitter division without the assurance of a benefit likely to result. Would the principle of~~compulsion stop with the Bill? Lord Derby had said that he felt somewhat in the position of a receiver put in to wind-up a concern.

STICKING UP FOR THE YOUNG MEN. Sir John Simon denied that the young men of England had refused to pay their debt. He appealed to the House not to tell the enemy of the hundreds of thou* sands of free men in ithe country who had refused to fight for freedom. He asked them not to pay Prussian militarism the compliment of imitation. The first task should be to thoroughly investigate the facts.

OPINIONS OF'MEMBERS. Mr. Hodge thought that the voluntary system had failed through Mr. Asquitlrs pledge, to the married men. He was not bound by the Labor Party, whose attitude would largely be dictated by the decision of the conference to-morrow. If the decision were adverse he hoped that the Bill would be withdrawn, but there must be no industrial conscription. Hon. C. E. Hobhouso did not oppose the Bill, but he wanted an assurance that it was only a temporary measure and would not be made permanent. Sir'AV. I*. Byles opposed the Bill because he had an invincible objection to compulsion in any form.

Mr. Boscaweu said that it was impossible otherwise to maintain the Empire's strength, and he could not understand patriotic Englishmen opposing the Bill. Mr. J. H. Thomas resented the suggestion that the opponents of the Bill were unpatriotic, and deprecated the suspicion that prevailed among workers that conscription was forced upon the Government, not with a view to winning the war, but in response to the demand from a certain section of newspapers. Conscription had always retarded progress. The Workers' Executive, representing three hundred thousand railwaymen, had resolved to-day to go to any length to see that conscription did not become law, and Labor believed that conscription would result in a huge conspiracy. There had not been a systematic canvass, and therefore he urged that the Derby scheme bo re-opened. He implored the Government to realise the dangers ahead. Colonel Seely said tflat he always believed a voluntary army fought better with a considerable proportion of unwilling men, but the number of uawill-

ing should be small. Therefore the objection was untenable, and Parliament ought to support Lord Kitchener and the Government. Colonel Seeley repudiated the vile suggestion that there was a deep-laid capitalistic plot in the Commons.

Mr. John Redmond drew attention to the sacrifices the .Irish had made and would continue making. The Nationalists did not support tho Bill, although previously they had supported every war proposal. Ireland had thoroughly identified herself with the Empire, and was determined as far as her poor resources allowed to make the fullest sacrifices to hasten a. successful issue. All Irish members opposed the Bill, but if Mr. Asquith was able to Show that voluntaryism had broken down, and that compulsion was the only means possible for raising the necessary men, nobody would allow personal anti-conscription predilections to stand in the way. Mr. Bonar Law said that without Mr. Asquitli's pledge the Derby scheme would have been an absolute failure. Any plain man, looking at the figures, could see without the shadow of a doubt that the condition mentioned in Mr. Asquitli's pledge had now arisen.

INDIGNANT IRISHMEN, Received Jan. (i, 8.50 p.m! Lomloii, Jan. 0. Sir J. B. Lonsdale said that the exclusion of Ireland was degrading and humiliating to that country, which had become the shirkers' refuge. Mr. John Dillon said that Ireland had more than done its duty. Irishmen did not need conscription to make them fight, and Ireland was rightly excluded. He opposed the Bill, because it. was not shown to be necessary, and the real reason for it was that Mr. Aaquith had tripped into a pledge. The debate was adjourned. WHAT WILL HAPPEN T.eceived Jan. C, O.Gf> p.m. London, Jan. 0. Mr. Bonp.r Law said that if the House decided that there was no national necessity for the pledge Mr. Asquith would resign. A Daily News lobbyist predicts that a general election over the compulsion question is probable during the next few weeks.