BELGIAN GREY BOOK.

Taranaki Daily News, 6 November 1915, Page 10 (Supplement)

BELGIAN GREY BOOK.

FURTHER SIDELIGHTS ON THE WAR. GERMAN DESIGNS ON THE CONGO. London, Sept. 10. The Belgian Government' has just is-, sued a second Grey Book, which helps more and more to show the responsibility of Germany and Austria for the terrible events of the past year. The first document goes back as far as February, 1913, and consists of an account written by liaron GuiUaume, the Belgian Minister in Paris, to M. Davignon, the Belgian Foreign Minister, of a conversation with M. de Margerie, Chief Adviser to the French Director-General 011 Political Affairs. M. de Margerie, it seems, was anxious lo know something about the new Belgian law on military service, un-t in partic.i'ir whether it was inspired by any fear that Belgi.An neutrality might be violated by France. In reply, Baron Guillaume frankly explained that the Belgian people were simply anxious that their country should not become once more, as it had so often in the past, the cockpit of Europe, and that Belgian preparations were no more directed against France than against Germany. Baron Guillaume went on to inform M. de Margerie of a conversation he had had with President Poincare, who gave him his personal assurance that, in the event of war between France and Germany, France would never take the initiative in violating Belgian neutrality, but that if that neutrality was violated by German troops, and Belgium was incapable of resisting them, the French Government might be compelled, for reasons of national defence, to meet the enemy on Belgian soil.

DIVIDING UP THE CONGO. . Then comes an account of a conversation which took place between the French Ambassador in Berlin, M. Jules Cambon, and the. German Foreign Minister, Herr von Jagow. It was related at the time by M. Cambon to Baron Bcyens, the Belgian Minister in Berlin, who communicated it to his Government. That was on 2nd April, 1914, just four months before the war broke out. It seems that Herr von Jagow represented the advisability of an agreement between Germany, France, and England on the subject of the construction and linking up of railways in Africa. M. Cambon pointed out that on such a subject Belgium should be consulted, as she was constructing railways in the Congo, and lie suggested that it would be advisable that any such conference should be held in Brussels. "Oh, no," was Herr von ■lagow's retort, "for it is at the expense of Belgium that' our agreement should be made." "How so?" M. Cambon naturally asked. "Do you not think," said the German Minister, "that King Leopold lias placed too heavy a burden on the shoulders of Belgium? Belgium is not rich enough to develop that vast possession. She will have to give it up. Tim Great Powers alone are jn a position to found colonies." , M. Cambon explained that such views were certainly not those held in France', nor, so far as he knew, in England, that he still thought, that certain agreements were necessary for development in Africa, but that 011 the conditions referred to by Herr von Jagow 110 agreement was possible. Herr von Jagow thereupon hastened to explain that he had only expressed his own views, and that he had spoken as a private individual, and not as a Secretary of State addressing himself to the French Ambassador.

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY. Then on 26th July, 1014, Baron Beyenß wrote from Berlin to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs. This letter was sent from Berlin by messenger, and the writer explains that in letters he had entrusted to the post lie liad adopted a more optimistic tone, fearing that they would be opened by the German authorities. In it lie says:—

conversations which I had yesterday with the French Ambassador, the Minister of Holland and Greece, and the British Charge d'Affaires, lead me to suppose that the ultimatum to Serbia is a coup prepared between Vienna and Berlin, or, rather, conceived here and executed in Vienna. The object in view, besides the destruction of Serbia, appears to be to strike a mortal blow at Russia and France, in the hope that England will keep out of the struggle. As a proof of those presumptions, I "must remind you of the opinion which prevails among the German General Staff that a war with France and Russia is inevitable and imminent, an opinion to which the German Emperor has been brought over. This war, ardently hoped for by the military and Pan-German Party, might, lie undertaken at present, that party believes, under circumstances extremely favourable to Germany, which would probably not present themselves again for a long time. Germany has completed the military reinforcements provided for by the law of 1912 (so the argument of the German General Staff run), and, on the other hand, she feels that she cannot keep up for an indefinite period a race for armaments which in the end would ruin her. The Wchrbcitrag has been a disappointment to the Imperial Government, having exposed the limits of the national wealth. Russia, after having achieved her military reorganisation, made the mistake of parading her strength. That strength wil become formidable only in a few years' time. it now requires for its development the necessary lines of railway. As for France, M.' Charles Humbert has revealed the insufficiency of her heavy artillery, and it is precisely that arm which will decide the fate of battles. Finally, England, which for two years past the German Government has'been seeking to detach, not without soma measure of success, from France and Russia, is paralysed by her internal dissensions and her quarrels in Ireland."

GERMANY'S STEP TO DISHONOUR,

Perhaps the most interesting document of the book is the despatch dated 4th August, 1914, from Baron Beyens, giving a summary of a dramatic conversation which he had on that day with Ilerr von Jagow, relating to the German demand for leave of passage, through Belgium. Herr von Jagow said:—

'We have been compelled by absolute necessity to make upon your Government this demand. It is for Germany a question of life and death. In order that she may not be crushed, she must herself first crush France, and then turn against Russia. We have been informed that the French Army is preparing to pass through Belgium in order to attack us on our flank. If the Belgian Army does not blow up the bridges, and allows us to occupy Liege, and itself retires to Antwerp, we promise not only to respect Belgian independence and the life and property of the inhabitants, but also to pay you an indemnity. ir ft is with a feeling of extreme mortification (la mort dans l'anse) that the Kaiser and Government have been ob-

liged to take (his. decision. To myself, it is the moat painful step 1 lmve ever taken in ull my career." Baron Beyens's reply was as crushing aB it was digniiic:— "uliat would you ay if wo were to yield to a imilar menace 011 the part of France 1 You would ay that we were cowards, incapable of defending our neutrality and of leading an independent life. ... By way of acknowledgment of our loyalty you are about to turn Belgium into a battleleld between you and France. Europe will condemn you,and you will have England again.it you, as she is one of the guarantors of our neutrality." On being pressed, ,B,aron Beycns continues: "Her vou Jagow admitted that we could not reply to the German demand otherwise than in the way we did reply,and that lie understood our reply. Tie several times repeated the expression of Ids sorrow that things had come to I such a pass. , . . But 1 replied that inutions no more than individuals, could ! not live without honour."