THE RESURRECTION OF POLAND For a Lasting Peace.

Taranaki Daily News, 7 August 1915, Page 11

THE RESURRECTION OF POLAND For a Lasting Peace.

(By a Turanaki Polo.)

"We have not drawn the sword without due consideration, nor will we sheathe it again until the rights of che small nationalities are established on unassailable bases." MR. ASQUITH, Prime Minister. (Guildhall, 4-!), 1914.1 "We wish the nations of Europe to be free to live their independent lives, working out their own foruts of government for themselves and their development, whether they be great States or j small States, in full liberty.—That is our ideal." SIR EDWARD GREY. Beehstem Hall, 23-3, (5. I THE IDEAL OF THE ALLIES. '•'Poles, the hour has struck in which the sacred dream of your fathers and ancestors can be realised." Manifesto of GRAND DUKE NICHOLAS. "We desire that this war shall recast the map of Europe on the principle of' nationalities and in accord With the real aspirations of the populations." MR. W. CHURCHILL. First Lord of the Admiralty. ' "We are united for tlie defence of liberty in Europe and for the defence of oppressed nationalities." M. CAMBON, Ambassador of France in London. THE LIBERTY OF NATIONS IN MR. ASQUITH'S SPEECHES. '■' This is not a material, it is also a spiritual conflict. (Cheers.) Upon tlusj issue" everything that contains the promise and hope that leads to emancipation and fuller liberty for the millions (ylio make up the masses of mankind, | will be found sooner or later to depend.''j (3-9, 14). ' _' | "We still believe here, old.-fashioned people as we are. in the sanctity of treaties; that the weak have rights and that the strong have duties; that small nationalities have every bit as good a titlp as large ones to life and indepen- ■ donee; and that freedom for its own sake is as well worth fighting for today as it ever was in the past. And we look forward, at the end of this war, to a Europe in which these great, and single, and venorable truths will be recognised and safeguarded for ever against the recrudescence of the era of blood and iron." 3-10, 14). I "JVhat better and higher cause, wh?-j tlier we succeed or fail—and we are not going to fail but to succeed—what higher cause can arouse and enlist the best energies of a free people than to lie engaged at one and the same time in the vindication of international good faith and the protection of the weak against the violence of the strong, and >n, the assertion of the best ideals of all j the free communities in the ages of timo and in every part of the world, against j the encroachments of this who believe,! and who preach, and who practise'the re-1 ligion of force?" —(&)-9, 14), I "We are fighting to vindicate the principle that small nationalities are not to be crushed, in defiance of international good faith, by the arbitrary will of a strong and overmastering Power. (Cheers.) I do not believe any nation i ever entered into a great controversy—' and this is one of the greatest history | ever knew, with a clearer conscience and stronger conviction that it is fighting, I not for aggression nor for the maintenance even of its own interest, but in I defence of principles the maintenance of which is vital for the civilisation of the world," (Loud cheers). (1-8, 14). "The idea of Public Right.—What does it mean when translated into concrete terms? It means, first and foremost, the clearing of the ground by the definite repudiation of militarism as the governing factor in the delations of and of the future moulding of the European world. It means, next, that room must be found and kept for the independent existence and free development <.!' the smaller nationalities, each with a corporate consciousness of its own."(20 a, 14.) "How can you Irishmen lie dead to th? 1 cry of the smaller nationalities to help them in their struggle for freedom, whether as in the case of Belgium in maintaining what she has won, or, as in the ease of Poland, or the Balkan States, in regaining what they have lost?" — (3-10, 14). FOR A LASTING PEACE. In his message to Italy, the Kivg 01 Montenegro said: "This terrible European war, if strip ped of all diplomatic ornaments wiili which the chancelleries adorn it, dates back a century; it is, let us hope. the final revolt of oppressed nations due to the unjust of the Congress of Vienna." Bv the dreadful scenes of slaughter by the number of victims, by the sum total of unrestrained cruelties, and bv the irreparable ruins and accumulated miseries, the war of IHI4 lias already surpassed all that history tells us. The best known peace advocates, like Mr. d'Estournelles de Constant, on the one hand, and Mr. Vandervelde on the -the other, agree that this war must be waged until the complete crushing "f German militarism, in the interest of Europe and civilisation. Mr. Vandervel.le considers "this actual war as a war against war itself." The future Congress must IJi'-n try io lediiec. by every means, to the minimum. the pretexts fur a new struggle ( i'or a new war which would certainly Instill worse than the one Europe is witnessing now. This Congress will have to weigh and consider many very complicated and very complex problems, ami from their solution a lasting jracc must result. For tins reason, public opinion mint study beforehand in each allied country, tlie principal questions to be discussed. It would be a great mistake to abandon to the delegates »f these countries th' whole responsibility ar.J enormous work required for the solution of these qucs tions. The Albanian diliieultics must. ; n this respect, be a lesson to us. and tend: us that in spite of their undeniable ii:- [ telligenee, the best representatives »f i the great Powers can commit gricvo:is mistakes and sometimes even irreparable ones. The first cause of the actual war h economical, the second political The development of German industrv and trade, which really dates f>ou-. IS7O. has ' rough! each dav a greater tension in Germany's relations 'with c.vUiii other Powers. Every one knows what impulse Germany has given to her trade and iwl'is. try. She has created wonderful canals, j ports, roads, and railways; she bn 'created outlets everywhere;she has striven to found a colonial Empire and nho has considerably enlarged the field of h.-r maritime trade. Enclosed within her too narrow limits, she has on account of the rapid increase of her population, which has reached 08 millions of inhabi(ants, tried to creep into less populated countries or into countries InsuJi'iciently guarded bv economical barrier*'. But we can theoretically admit thi possibility of a pacific conquest of new outlets for products of a flourishing ill-

lustry, history teaches us that economical penetration is unavoidably followed by a political dominion and complete annexation of the weaker countries. The progressive invasion of all the world's markets did not sufficiently satisfy the immoderate ambitions of Germany. She sought above all political supremacy, founded on the conquest of new colonies; hence her continual armaments and her militarism. Iler aims of political expansion were obstructed by France, England and Russia; she always found them in her way. Thinking England's vigilance asleep for some time, she sought to take advantage of .the Serbo-Austrian conflict to crush Russia, then France, and later on to attack England, when her own fleet would have been strong enough to destroy that of the United Kingdom. Deceived in all her purposes, especially because she was unaware of tlie Fronsh nation's enormous strength, both moral and material, Germany will succumb in the present struggle. But it would le. childish to' presume that' a nation, in full economical power and with a population of nearly a hundred millions of inhabitants, will submit to -tiro conditions of her conquerors,. Immediately after l)er defeat, Germany will prepare for a new war and wo/k to disunite those who are now in coalition against her. The Russo-Japanese war shows us that, enemies of to-day can become allies of to-morrow. One must not suppose that ten .or fifteen years hence, when Germany will be ready fur a. new attack, she will find all the present Allies facing her. One must therefore carefully consider the prospects of a future war and strive.to delay as long as'possible by removing with the greatest . energy everything that is liable to produce su-.ji a disaster. If the real cause of the actual war is economical, the reasons that have unchained it must find their origin in the ; injustice weighing upon Europe since the treaty of Vienna, as the King of Montenegro so well expressed it. This artificial and unjust act was for a icontury tire "basis for diplomatic intrigues, which in due course of time ended in an armed conflict. | Tt is quite true that, consequent on , the wars for the independence and uni- ' fieatiou of Italy, as well as the RussoTurklsh and Balkan, wars, the yoke borne by numerous nationalities has partially been broken. Unfortunately, there still remain people conscious of their nationality and laws, who are subjected to the brutal strength of the conqueror of former times. If the independence and entire liberty of each nationality were assured, tlie tension existing between the great Powers would be loosened and (he numerous pretexts for new conflicts eliminated. By giving real liberty to the oppressed people, the. great Powers would thus undoubtedly preserve themselves against a new war, into which they would otherwise be dragged against their will. The general interests are at stake, the point to secure a lasting peace. England's great statesmen have already plainly proclaimed that the future drawing up of the map of Europe will Inbased on the complete freedom of oppressed nations. Therefore, it will he necessary to know the. exact situation of the different countries which will come under discussion at the next cou- ' gress. * In a question of such an importance fur Europe's future, nothing must to left open to possible discussions, machine atious and intrigues, as happened in ISIS, at the Congress of Vienna. These' questions'ought lo.be studied beforehand and with the greatest cure. .' One nation which is waiting for a long time for her liberation, is the Polish people. The Poles haw, had the strength to resist all the policy of extermination to which they were subjected by the German and Russian Governments. We shall sum up the principal facts concerning (he history and actual situation of the Polish question, so as to see their practical consequences. I 1. SUCCESSIVE PARTITIONS OF POLAND. The progressive weakening and disappearance of the ancient Kingdom of Poland have chiefly been caused by her geographical position. Notwithstanding her power and her glorious past, Poland was not able, at the end of the XYlllth century, to reI sist her three neighbors because her vital forces were exhausted by her territorial and almost boundless expansion. I At one time Poland stretched from 1 the Baltic to the Black Sea, and her I eastern limits were not far from Moscow. Poland still occupied in Europe at the ] end of the XVTIIth century the largest territory after Russia. For centuries. I she met no obstruction, especially in I the eas.t. to the progressive annexation of enormous regions, so that her extension was no longer in proportion to her population and her real power. This immoderate decentralisation brought, on the one hand, the weakening of the central power, and on the other hand, the. decrease of national energy. All other reasons given as an explanation of the | Kingdom of Poland's decadence are but secondary. 1 doe must seek Ihe real causes of Poland's decadence cither in the absence of natural frontiers or of suflieieiitlv powerful neighbors who could have obliged ■her to convent rate herself within 'the limits corresponding to her population. ' At (!.- time of'her first division, in 177-2. Poland was eoinpo.-ed of the Kin_> (loin of Poland, pronerlv .so-called, and the great Dukedom of l.iihuaui.i I The Kingdom of Poland included in the norlh (.'real Poland, ill (he basin of ihe \Vartha;.(he cities id' Ciieseu and Poser,; Ml tie Poland, with Cracow an.] Warsaw: Roval Prussia with Danr-ig; In (lie South C.ilicia, ealhd also "Red' Rip sia"; and in the south-west While Russia's provinces. . The first dismemberment of Poland look plaie ill 177:1 Arslria seized up.ni all Red Russia; IVii-.sia. Uov.il Prussia except, the towns of DanUig and Thorn: land Russia tool; n pad of l.iihuaui.i. I At (lie second dismemberment (17!).,) Prussia annevid Ureal P-.land with IV.iilzig and Thorn: and llu-sia I lie other half of I.ilhnaiiia. AiHria. oc:.-i----pied at (he lime by her war wiili France, received no share. I AC Ihe third division (17-05) 'claimed the neutral part of Poland with Ihe town of Warsaw, Auslria occupied (ho euunlry of Cracow. Russia took the remainder of Lithuania. | In ISU7, at Ihe treaty of Tilsitl. Na poleon 1. took from Prussia her pari of Poland, and created the Dukedom of Warsaw. Dantzig then became a free (own. | At Ihe treaty of Vienna (1S0II) Galicia was joined to the Dukedom of War The Congress of Vienna (1815) left: 1, To Austria, Galioln, < 2. To Prussia, the provinces she illeady possessed, adding to them tlie town of Dantzig,.and the provinces of

Posen and Bydgoszcz (Browberg). Cracow became a free town and formed a Republic under-the protectorship of Russia, Austria and Prussia. 3. To Russia, all she took at the time of the llireo divisions of Poland, adding to that the district of Bialyatock. Of all that was left of the Dukedom of Warsaw they formed the Kingdom of Poland which has been entrusted to Russia. The. Congress enjoined the three Powers to grant a Constitution corresponding to the national necessities of the Poles. We shall see furthor on that none of the promises made to -the Poles have in reality been kept, and that the Constitution which was to protect the free development of the Polish nation, was quickly replaced in Russia and. Prussia by a political system which is actually in force, the object of which is the more or less brutal denationalization of the Polish people. 2. ACTUAL STATE OF POLAND. .(a) Number of Poles. In the whole world there are more than 24 millions of Poles; 17 millions are settled on real Polish soil and 7 millions are scattered a little, everywhere. The 17 millions living in Poland are divided as follows: In the Kingdom of Poland (Russian Poland) ...... 0,400.000 In Galicia (Austrian Poland) 4,500,000' In Posen, Upper Silesia,. Eastern and Western Prussia (German Poland) 4,080,412 If we add to these 17 millions of inhabitants entirely Polish, the two millions of Jews and the mijlipnlpf inhabitants who are not of Polish origin but have settled, on Polish soil, the Kingdom of Poland when reestablished will occupy the soventh place among the European Stales. Russia, Germany, England, France,, Italy, and Austria: could only reckon a population greater than that of Poland. (b) Political situation of the different parts of Poland. ' In Austria:

Metternich'n system of reaction and later on Bach's centralising and germanising system,.ruined Galicia morally and economically. Thia state of affairs ceased only when Austria, after the defeats of the Italian wa,r and after .Sadowa, saw herself nearly ruined. She then granted a great autonomy to the nations belonging to the monarchy. (1867). From this moment, the Poles living under Austria's dominion acquired conditions which protected the rights of their nationality. That is the reason why Galicia has a Polish autonomous government and a provincial Diet sitting at Lwow (Leinberg). All the State's functionaries are Poles and Ruthenians. In Western Galicia Polish is the official language; in Eastern Galicia there are two official languages, Polish and Ruthenian. The Polish University of Cracow and the University of Lwow where Ruthenian Chairs Jiave been created, are the -two great centres of Polish science officially protected by the Government at Vienna.

If one compares the concessions made to Poles in P,ussia and Prussia with their condition in Austria, we see that Galicia is for them a ground of choice, and that, they enjoy there all constitutional and national liberties. In Prussia:

Prussia failed in all the obligations contracted at the Congress of Vienna. The oppressive system that began Immediately after the annexation by Prussia of the Polish provinces became quite intolerable, beginning from IS7O, when Bismarck inaugurated Germahisation. All the' resources of this State, for whom all means are good, wer,e then employed in the struggle against the Poles' language, religion and nationality. The Polish language is banished from the administration and from all schools; it is even forbidden to teach it privately; and they tried to prohibit the use of their maternal languago to the children in their homes. Poles employed in public works or in ofllees are not allowed to speak their language among themselves. All Polish associations and corporations are systematically prosecuted. The famous law of expropriation authorises the colonising Commission to expropriate all Polish proprietors; a bank belonging to the State buys Uie lands, which are divided amongst German peasants. The Prussian government proclaims openly its intention of exterminating the Poles, and of replacing them by Germans. With that object in view, the government limits to its minimum the civil rights of the Polish population, by means of administrative dispositions, so that there is no constitution for the Poles. In a few lines M. Pichon has masterly exposed the situation of Poles under the Prussian yoke.

"Tlio regime imposed on the AlsaceLorraine people and which will only end with the war, that is to say with'their return to France, can be considered a gentle one in comparison with that endured by the Polish subjects of Uie Empire. They have, however, both points in common, as they are inspired by the same idea of tyrannical annexation and characterise themselves by exceptional measures, recalling Austria's dominion in Italy. But Alsace-Lorraine has not known the venal and autocratic power of the "Colonising Commission," which expels without any more ado the inhabitants of Polish origin, replacing them by immigrants, seizes their houses with the interdiction of building others, destroys little by little all that constitute their nationality. Only yesterday. Mr. de Bethinnnn's predecessor apologised for tile proceed ing of violent expropriation of which lie found the tradition in I lie inheritance from Bismarck, proceedings which liis suecessi r continued with as much cynicism and with as little success as he himself.

"■lt Is surely a wager to promise Polos happiness and lilierLv in the name of a government, that treats them like the knights of t)„. Teutonic orders of ~M. confiscating their pr. perries, persccut ing them, pur.-uiiu; (hem, forbidding them In speak their own language, imposing its laws, its functionaries, lis will on llieiii and the arbitrary acis of its police. It would be dilriciiii to treat I hem wor a e."-Lc Fail Journal. October 11, 101 I, In l!m,sian PcUad:

M. Scignolios, prol'essur at (he Sov bonne, describes as follows (lie Kingdom of Poland'* aiilonumv which Alexander 1 had |.romi,id :

-Alexander I. i„ |s;|.-, m .ch cd a pa. I ■if the ancient lVland; he made it a distinct Sla.lc. tin- Kingdom of Poland, and he gave it a Cun«tiiutinn. The new Kingdom again tool; |l,e White Ka"!e and the flag of the ancient Poland; i\ilish was the language of the Government, of administration and of the fili-sers-ily. Polin.l kepi all her national institutions, her money, her Post ntiice, her Cu.-toius, her -ci.ool.s, hj,..- Catholic Church ivcognisul as the Slate rcliinou. her capital War-awj official position:, could only be held hv Poles The FolM, army took an oath to the Constitution, crying out; "God save our' Kino Alexander."

Poland was united to the hmpire uf Russia, but the Tzar ruled It as Kins Tie was represented by a Viceroy, who governed with a Council of State whoso members were ministers, The nation was represented by a Diet formed by

two Chambers: the House of Commons and the Senate. No State of Central Europe at* that time enjoyed such a liberal political system. But the Constitution did not; worklong. The Grand Duke Constantinc, the Viceroy, was, like his fatto Paul 1., violent, capricious, a little mad, passionate for the details of military life; ho insulted the generals when they made a mistake iu drilling; lie wanted to introduce into the army the punishment by the knout; he gave his troops such short coats and tight trousers that they could not move. H« treated citizens like soldiers. Poles, dissatisfied with Oonstantin's caprices, were-alarmed by Alexander's declarations. In ISIS, oponing the. Diet, which was convoked for the first time, the Tzar recalled that it was assembled "only to give its opinion on ihe projects the government 'saw lit to submit to it." At the second session (1820) the Diet having rejected a project, Alexander got so furious that he only assembled it in 1525; then he prohibited the publication of its deliberations; tho Pobs tdok no more interest in it. On his accession to the throne, Nicolas I swore, to" observe the Constitution; uui '-Uo Diet' was only assembled in 1830. The Poles, exasperated by the state of things, were informed'that the Tzar thought of sending the Polish army tj fight against tho Belgian insurgents,' and replacing it in Poland by a Russian army. They decided to rise in insurrection. The war onded by the defeat if tho Polish troops and the taking of Warsaw, Nicolas I. destroyed (he Kingdom of Poland by an iikuse. "Poland) will now form part, of the Empire and must be only one with Russia. He also suppressed the Constitution of 1815, the Polish army, the Diet, and only promised to leave tlie Poles their religion and language, but this promise was not kept. A new insurrection look place thirty two years after the first one, in 1803. The Russian Government suppressed- it without any pity, arrested and hanged a great number of insurgents and thep worked on with a view of destroying the Polish nation. 3, THE THREE EMPERORS' PROMISES.

As the issue of this war greatly depends on the success or failures'that may occur in the West, it is of importance to the belligerents to have Poland's sympathy and help, especially as a great .number of Polish soldiers are in the three armies. Tlie importance of the Polish question in the strategical point of view has been well understood by General Joffre. It was during his stay in Russia that General Joffre drew the attention of the Russian Staff on the necessity of gaining the sympathy of the Polish people. There are move than 500,000 Poles in the Russian army, and Poles actually constitute the basis of the forces fighting against Germany. For this reason it is not difficult to under stand why German, Austrian, and Russian Oommanders-in-.Ohief have sent forth, in the name of their respective Emperors, proclamations full' of promises.

If the numerous German and Austrian proclamations contain only uncertain promises, one knows at all events that in the German plans the reeonstitutlon of the Kingdom of Poland was foreseen; It was to be Incorporated in the Federation and have a Hahsburg or a Saxon prince for King. The German and Austrian promise? are practically without any effect, as the defeat of Germany and Austria is indubitable.

We will therefore only consider the promises made in the name of the Tzar bv the Grand Duke Nicolas. THE RUSSIAN COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF'S PROCLAMATION. Tlie Russian Commander-in-Chief, Grand Duke Nicolas, addressed to the 'Poles, on August 15, the following manifesto:

"Poles, the hour lias struck in which tlie' sacred dream of your fathers and ancestors can be. realised.. A century, and a half ago the whole living body of Poland was torn to pieces, but her soul did not die.

"She lived with the hope that the hour i»f her resurrection and fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia would come one day. The Russian troops bring you tho solemn news of this reconciliation. "Come, Poles, and be one under the sceptre of the Russian Tzar. Poland shall rise, to life again and be free in her religion, language, and autonomy. Russia only asks you to respect the rights of tlie nationalities to which you have been bouud bv history. Open-heart-ed, with hands fraternally outstretched, Great Russia *omes to meet you. "The sword that struck the enemies near Grunwald is not yet rusty. "The Russian armies are marching from the Pacific Ocean's shores to the southern seas. "The dawn of a new lifo is opening for you. Let the sign of thj Cross, symbol of the suffering and resurrection of nations, shine in this dawn." One month later, when his troops invaded Austria, Petrograd's Government renewed the engagements taken in the name of the Tzar by the Grand-Duke Nicolas: "In vienv of the loyal behaviour of the Russian Poles in the present war, he Imperial Majesty has ordered to inform all tlie Pules that his war is for the liberation of Slavs, and among others, the Poles." "If, with God's help, he is victorious, Ills Imperial Majesty promises to unite in one autonomous nation all parts of ancient Poland which are under tlie-sway of (lermany, Austria and. Russia, and to revive Poland under (he sovereignly of the Emperor of Russia." "Therefure His Imperial Majesiv hopes (hat the Poles will do their best to contribute to the liberation of the Slavs in general, and of their own in particular.' 1 IV. -THE TZAR'S PROMISES AND FRENCH OPINION. The' promise of I'ivoiu;;- Poland has created in the press, all over (he world. a general and unanimous cnlhusias.m which proves how the conscience of all cixilised nations was coin inert! of ihe injustice ami violence. Poland has suffcied for over a huiuiad and fitly five years.

As we cannot quote here all the opinions- given on the subject, we select (hose which give an exact idea of what has been written concerning the Tzar's declaration.

0. CI.KMIUXC'KAU (oxdVinic MhasU-r). "Poland will live H/Liin. liv tin' will of tin- Tsar Nicolas li, supported by I'Yance ami' Knidaml, one of the bi^e.d ITlllllM 111 llisloi'V Will 1|:1V(! :.n ,'lld '. Kevir ih:, there'in Yr u \w<<. after that of Hiily. u more popular t-.iii.--c. Hum (he cl'y ul' PolUh nationality. ~ Thi' Tzar alone lind the power 0/ ieurina down t-l.»-hlocdy veils of the pad, and nuking (.],,. Russian H.,. ; ||,e herald of Hie ? reai re concilia! inn of Hie Slavonic forces in I),--. peace of a new world. . .As (his war in which even now our own lives are ">;\ question, is a liberating war for Kurojie. the greater the number of j| u . liljcralel peoples the greater will | ;i . „„r victory through extended vl;'.'lifs j W;! j nations and througli increased liberty." (L'lL.:i me l-ibviV August Iti, HU-l.j

0. HA.N'OTAUX (ex-llhiister) : '• A oppressed Europe : a nation cut to, pieces panting, living and dead at the same time under the Uuifi: of the oppressors. All just men, all oppressed populations turned their eyes towards Poland, eldest of all marlvrs. A new European map will be made in the name of liberty and independentof miliums. •. I'olaml, Alsace-Lcrrain •, Belgium, all nations crushed down and yet standing fur ever, cry out revenge before the world and befor.e history. f'Wu.shall make a new Europe, a liberated and .uni.ted Europe. All those, who Have .sufl'ereji. .under the helmeied tyranny ; all those who have been'bolted ill their slavery by the most unmera--I'iU policy that, the world has jiiver known ; all those, who are being slrioken in their liberty, in their independence, must rise, and if they cannot do so, if fear of 3rca,dful reprisals stop them, (hey must remain silent' and wait." (liO Figaro,' August 10, IfiU). % IN THE INTEREST OF A LAST-' ING PEACE, POLAND MUST HE INDEPENDENT AND NEUCK»\I;. When Russia, "the secular ar.d disinterested protectress of Slavism" mobilised for the defence of Servian independence, (lennany threw lie-welt' upon her ami would have crushed her. had not England, France and Japan come to her help. Mr. Compere Morel, a deputy, num.-' marises perfectly the object of this terrible war when he says: "It is no longer a fight for a province, for a war indemnity, or for the inipoatition of a treaty, onerous to some, advantageous i„ others! "If men light and die to-day, it is for the purpose of knowing whether the oppressed shall be liberated!" \ On their part, the authorised representatives of the French and the Belgian workers have proclajn'ied that "it ts with the conviction that the principles of liberty and thu right of nations to dispose of themselves is being upheld, that we accept the painful necessity of the war." Mr. Vanderveldo, a Belgian minister, has asserted the same thing; "We.are fighting against atrocities, ami t« uphold the independence of the nation and the cause of civilisation."

Of all oppressed peoples, the one who has suffered and suffers the most la certainly the Polish people. If justice and independence are seriously spoken of,, one must think of Poland. It is by repairing "one of the greatest crimes of history" as M. Clemeneeau says, that the work of justice must begin.

Is there any man in the world, with a little logic and conscience, able to defend Russia's right of oppressing a Slav people numbering a compact population of •20 millions?

To defend the liberty and independence of little nations like Montenegro (500,000 inhabitants), Bulgaria (5,000,000 inhabitants), and Servia (6,000,000 inhabitants), a threat of war has continually weighed on Europe. But when it concerns the Slav nation, the most numerous after Russia, the rulers of the world have agreed to leave it in the hands of its oppressors! How can any one conciliate the just indignation agaiust •Alsace-Lorraino'u situation with the indifference of certain people towards Poland. Is it possible to admit that civilised Europe would let Poland continue to bear her yoke and live as a martyr? Will she, once more, put her seals on Poland's tomb? Shall she play the part of Pontius Pilato in granting her a hybrid and ephemeral autonomy, with a Robriuskv, or a Dourcpvvo as Governor-

We don't believe It. The destiny of united Poland will become an international question.

.Sir Edward Grey, very much cheered, said recently in London: "We wish the nr.tions of Europe to be free to live their independent lives, working out their own forms of government for themselves and their own national development, whether they be great States or small States, in full liberty. That is our ideal.

The Allies will-not renounce the jjriaciples of true justice, and will support with energy the noble action of Nicoks IX in concord with him and the Russian people, they will want to give back to Poland her liberty and independence. Poland must be independent and neutral, not only in the interest of justice but also in the interest of a lasting peace. We have seen above that amongst tlu States, including Bohemia and Poland, which will constitute Europe after the war, Poland will occupy the seventh place. The question is an international problem of great importance, which jmwt be attacked resolutely and definitely solved, in spite of the pusillanimity of certain diplomatists 'on unassailable basis'' as Mr. Asquith said. There are two States whji'h ought lo gain their independence kgain; Poland and Bohemia. in order to assure, a lasting peace, th • transformation of Poland and Bohemia into neutral States will be of capital importance. We see above, that Otniany, however hard may be the conditions of peace imposed upon her, will at once prepare ; n view of a new wac, which she will try tojnaka more favorable for herself. ' The considerable increase' of her population and the enormous display of her industry and trade will oblige her to begin again the struggle. m order-to diminish and remove the danger of this conflict, one must first suppress all injustice of a national order and create, as much as possible, barriers between' th' great Powers. By ilirowiny a glance over the Kuropoau map. one"sees of what service Poland and Bohemia e-m be in this respect if these two couiitriewere free. Uussia would be separated from Ceriuany by a large, neutral zoic which would greatlv diminish the chance of a new collision between these ( u: . great rivals. In this manner, Ihiron,. would find in the Ka.st a wav of or, tecting herself against a war uUel, would be otherwise unavoidable and certainly far more terrible than the one we are undergoing now. The real way of rendering (.'eruuny molieiisive is to create aro'jnd her -i zone of countries whose neutrality would be guaranteed by all the Powers of [.-.!.' rope and U,<. United States of America, 'the increase in the number of neutral countries will also diminish militarism m Knrope and prepare the triumph „f tight over hVcc, „,, era of real civilisation and proyvess. The creation „[;, free and independent lolaie.i >, al.-o Russia's real intere.-t. InMead ot carrying on again, for lon . .vcar.-, a continual and unsuccessful Sniggle „, willst (lu , P{tk% nuM . ;i u , conciled f (ir ever will, th,.,,, w ,vild lie W'lica ,-ci protectress of the. .Slavs and would f„K,| „„ adion „f |,H, VoliUe.r l"'»l)ity. All the SI. IV eonn'lri,-' would group themselves around her wuhoau «».V mUro-i, and could form an ioviu '■'l'.'e force. It W ould be the greatest '''.''•'■■ l tor (lenuany. Willi.uy, U. Mu \ '"* g'overiuucut. saw the dai>"cr of U,U reconciliation; that is v.hv 'thev hue done all they could to cncoin-.0-e ;l„. lUtssian reaction in iis |,. : .i; t . v „f" lA i'!e. ininatio:i again;-.! tlu- I'oli-h' nation It is perro-ps for Russia the cnlv opporiunily she hns of showing to the world mil lo th'' Slavs that her intention of defei'di:;:; the independence <■( a Muni] Mar lv.uiee. V.a.i generous and di-i><f, ■- c/jttd. L-.:id that if Kurope was dnwu

into this aSvful war, it was really for a noble- purpose. Mr. Tlanotaux is convinced that Ituni sia who "does not need new provinces, nor now populations, wants onlyito'lib> evate her Slav brothers, and that she acts only sincerely." If this is true, the of Poland must also bo announced "'.sincerely, * openly, withput any mental reservation" as Mr. Sembat sayii. Tho recent retreat of the Russian army from Poland, will offer hotter portunity to Great Britain, and Prance, for the reconstruction of independent Poland, when time arrives for the final peace negotiations; their eastern Ally 1 can not oppose tho measure with tha same vigour as when in actuaj posses; siou of this unfortunato country. '" ' " ' "f,UB