THE CASE AGAIXST GERMAXY. The one British statesman who is preeminently litted to reply to the liu'iul",eious article contributed by General von I'ernharij to the Xew York Sun is Sir Edward Grey, the British Eoreign 'Minister. The singular restraint of his attitude to the neutrals, the exemplary moderation in feeling and policy to be found in his despatches, and tlie supreme efforts he made to avoid aa outbreak of hostilities, all account for the fact that lie possesses the confidence of tile nation lie so worthily serves. As a consequence Britain and the Empire today stand morally much higher, anil Germany much lower than on the eve of the hour of eonllict. Who was it that set aside Russia's and Servia's appeal to the Hague, and Sir Edward Grey's proposal of a conference'! Germany! Peace lay at her hand—she had not even to stoop and gather it. In face of her stubborn encouragement of Austria, it is not possible to conclude that the organisers of the most magnificent war machine ever constructed feared war, or that its political directors meant to avert it. Sir E. Grey contends—and most justly so—that upon Germany, and upon her alone, rests the responsibility for the war. and for all that it has cost, and will cost, mankind. Prussia, which for the fourth time within living memory had made war in Europe, was determined, in Bernhardi's phrase, that France must be completely overthrown. She planned this war, as we know that she planned the rest, but Sir Edward has made it clear that "we are determined it shall be the last time." As the London Times ve'-y pertinently remarked, "'We repudiate altogether the German claim to be a race of supermen, who may rightfully impose, by fire and sword, their ideals upon a subservient Europe. The contrast between the ideals of Britain and Germany has been very aptly phrased by Sir Edward. Britain wishes the nations of Europe to be free and live their independent lives, working out their own forms of government and national development, whether they be great .States or small. The German ideal, as proclaimed by its professors and publicists, is that the Germans are a superior people (o whom all things are lawful in the securing of their own fiower, and against whom resistance of every kind is unlawful and to be savagely put down. We. claim for ourselves. and our Allies claim for themselves, and together we will secure for Europe the right of independent sovereignly for the different nations, the right to pursue national existence, not in the light of Prussian hegemony or MTproii«..y, but in the light of equal ,ilM ' rl .v" Jt i* f«r this that volunteers have pressed forward from every part of the Empire, to risk their lives, and give (heir lives „n the field of battle, on land and on sea. I„ t.Yrmany's "power Of defence" -\vc are now told by IVnihardi to look for the real source of hey development. This is a new hearim; from the author of (lie doctrine that the foundation of Brush's power l„v in and deliberately i„, nrml "■ars. am! that history's kev I ;':' «r «'ar CI tile 1C; j!( 1;11 • 10e I!t.''
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Taranaki Daily News, Volume LVII, Issue 285, 11 May 1915, Page 4
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535Untitled Taranaki Daily News, Volume LVII, Issue 285, 11 May 1915, Page 4
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