The Daily News. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1915. IF GERMANY WERE SUPREME.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LVII, Issue 238, 17 March 1915, Page 4

The Daily News. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1915. IF GERMANY WERE SUPREME.

For any patriotic citizen of the British Empire to seriously entertain the possibility oi (.ernirnv r mereing from the war as victorious and thus become the dominant world power, would seem an act of such madness that it woald reflect on the whole race, but that need not deter any interested student of national all'ai rs from discussing the, question in one, at least, of the many aspects ou which it bears on the future of Europe, particularly with reference to the development .if that glorious principle of liberty ill defence of which every part of the wide-world Umpire of Britain has joined hands and is nonfighting to the bitter cud. In a recent issue of the London Daily Chronicle appeared a remarkable letter from the well known noveli-t, .John Calswmihy. written to a distinguished French writer, ill which are recorded some impressions that are well worthy of attention. They may not have the claim of novclly. but this is more iluui eoiniM'nsjitcfl for bv the admirable guise in which they arc presented, and for the convincing truths that are laid bare with Idling force. "The first thing that strikes me," says Mr. Calsworthy. "is that, though there are, of course, beads in every land which bulge with an exaggerated sense of the importance of their country, these days are rich with evidence that the people of both Britain and France haye acquired enough power of self criticism to see that true patriotism is only consistent with the acclamation: 'Justice, Honor. Liberty for ever'; to see, too, that sue and force are little things by the side

if decency and right." It is exactly this sentiment, embodying- as it docs not only tlio individual liberty of the two nations, but tho practical expression of that principle in the form of democratic government, that luis made this moit terrible of all wars a sacred duty, and that will sustain the Allies until a permanent peace is secured. Primarily, the fight is for self-preservation, but it is equally a struggle for the very foundations of what makes life tolerable —for individual liberty, democracy, and sanctity of treaties; for the right to believe in chivalry and altruism, to save alive at least a modicum of sentiment in the struggle for existence. "Let me," says Mr. Galsworthy, "do the Germans justice; their patriotism, bravery, and selfsacrifice are equal to onrs, but, though they affect to believe that they entered on this war for their national safety, they cannot get away from the fact that their general, demeanor and utterances for a long time past have persuaded us all that as a nation they are, or were, convinced of the superiority of their race, and intent on its paramountc;.'." At this point Mr. Galsworthy, in common with all other writers on the subject of Germany's claim to dominance, finds it necessary to dwell upon the kultur which luis become tho idol of new Germany. He points out that in its general effect this kultur which Germany is so anxious to confer on the rest of the world reminds one of a Palace Hotel, where, from a central organising brain, is radiated completa material order, comfort, and beatitude cut to pattern, into which guests and personnel must either fit or take their awkward individual cravings elsewhere. But in the intoxication of success new Germany lias forgotten that, more precious to men than a guaranteed ease, order, and efficiency is the right to develop in their own way, to breathe what air they like; that more dear to nations than learning, discipline, and material prosperity is Liberty, the development of which lias been so marvellously exemplified throughout the British Empire, with the result that to-day our Empire throbs with cue pulse and is knit together in a potent confederacy dependent on a common attachment to the maxim of "Live I'i.r let live." Democracy is doing its work in greater Britain and do ing it well, on the whole. It may he that when Germany experiences the same influence that she will outdeuiocratise all other countries am]/ empires —but not yet. Mr. Galswortljy considers that the war provides a powerful refutation of the theory beloved of ill autocrats and militarists, that decadence is the child of l'eace, Humanism, Commerce, and the Arts and that : t gives living proof that if you seek virtue in the human creature you must not compel him to be virtuous; the flower of virtue has a deep and subtle growth - force it and von will get show blossoms for the moment perhaps but underneath a rankness or a weakened root., What, then, if Germany were supreme? The world has seen and appraised German Culture as exemplified in her policy of "frightfulness," hate, piracy, incendiarism, pillage, rape, and barbaric methods of warfare. Millions of subjects at the mercy of the ruling classes, machines, treated worse than dogs. Her social system has forced a mighty display of raw patriotism, but who outside (J.'tniany dues not realise the sham and mockery of it all? We all believe in our own countries, in our own national habits of life, but it is reserved for Germany to believe that the German habit of lift" is right not only for the German, but for the ''inferior races." What earthly chance would there, be, in such a Europe for the freedom, the selfdevelopment, the individual aspirations of Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, .Sweden, Norway, Portugal, Greece, or even Italy and Spain? Each one of these neutral countries is democratic aI. heart, each one depends for national existence, for the chance to realise andexpress itself, on recognition of the principle "Live and let live." To all of them the sanctity of treaties is vital. What a prospect would lie before them it Germany should be victorious, and 110 Great Power to stand between them and serfdom. That is why the Allies must succeed in their present task—their fight for Liberty.