The Daily News. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 24,1915. POLAND AND THE WAR.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LVII, Issue 153, 24 November 1914, Page 4

The Daily News. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 24,1915. POLAND AND THE WAR.

The excitement caused by tho rush of other and more sensational events has tended to eclipse the significance of the recent- offer by the Czar of practical autonomy to Poland. It is impossible to understand the effect which would be produced -by the carrying out of this offer without a brief reference to the romantic and tragic history of this unfortunate nation. A thousand years ago, before the time of the Norman conquest, Poland Was a strong kingdom, extending over an area of 282,000 square miles. It was then 40,000 miles larger than Austria-Hungary is now, and had a population of 24,000,000. For centuries it was recognised as one of the great Powers of Europe. But gradually it fell, partly through internal dissension. partly through foreign invasion, to 1 a position of degradation and servitude, till it was crushed beneath the iron heel. In 1793 it was divided between Russia and Prussia. It made many gallant struggles for the recovery of its liberty, but in 1832 it was suppressed and declared an integral part of the Russian F,mpire. Consequently the redemption of tho pledge now made by the Czar would mean not merely tho emancipation of a horde of serfs, but the restora- [ tion of a fallen Empire to something at least of its ancient gloTy. The proposal made by Russia is a really stupendous one. It means, first of all, that Russia is determined, if the result of tlie war gives her power to do so, to annex parts of Prussia and of Austria-Hungary. It is true that Prussian Poland and Galieia (Austrian Poland) would in that case be joined in one autonomous State under the suzerainty of the Czar. But this would not mean the. transference of Poland from the Empire now divided between Prussia and Russia to the sole empire* of Russia. What it would mean jis the establishment of a free Poland, | with her liberty guaranteed by the proI tection of Russia. Poland would indeed Ibe governed by a Russian viceroy. But j it would possess complete civic freedom, together with freedom of language and religion. It would, in fact, enjoy a constitution somewhat similar to that now enjoyed by New Zealand. If Russia could redeem the pledge she is now giving the Poles, there would be no question of the holding down by force of a weak and restive people. Britain could never look on in silence at any attempt of Russia to give Poland a mere nominal liberty. The main cause of the bitterness

and unsettlement of Europe for nearly half a century lias been the attempt to hold down the smaller nations by the domination of the mailed fist of the larger ones. Britain is now determined to put an end to that reign of terrorism. And Ttussia is at last coming round to the decision to side with her in the holy war against arbitrary despotism. The Russian appeal to Poland if, in fact, a promise of liberation. The Poles are invited to look on this war not as a war in the interests of the strong, hut as a great liberalising movement. It is indeed certain that the recreation of an autonomous Poland could not be effected without considerable reactions upon the democratic tendency within Russia proper. The Russian declaration, therefore, is a proclamation of her intention to set her own house in order. She cannot set Poland free without also giving her own subjects a larger measure of freedom than any they have possessed yet. There are many Jews in Russian Poland, and if autonomy were granted to Poland it would scarcely be possible to leave the Jews in Russia propel" in a much less favorable, position than the Jews of reconstructed Poland. But the question may be asked: Is Russia prepared to go the whole length of the reform involved in this proposal? Can Poland trust Russia to keep her word? The answer to that question is that whether she can trust Russia alone or not, she can trust the Allies to see that her pledges arc kept in full. The future destiny of Poland will have to be settled not by the single voice of Russia, but by the united voices of Britain, France, and Russia. There is no reason ■to anticipate any disagreement between the Allies over the final settlement of the reconstruction of the map of Europe which must be made at the end of the war. So far the solidarity of the Allies has been unmarred by a breath of friction. They Ijave steadily refused to entertain any thought of making separate terms with the common enemy. There is every reason to believe that they will continue to do so to the last. They stand united in their determination never to sheath the sword till they hare accomplished the end for which they have drawn it, viz., the safeguarding of the rights of the smaller nations, who dare to suffer anything rather than submit to the obliteration of the landmarks of their race or their nationality. The righteousness of that cause is the inspiration of our hope of its eventual triumph. Because we know there is a power not ourselves that makes for righteousness we shall go on, trusting that the result of this -war will be another illustration of the truth that "Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Tlimigli buff led oft, is ever won."