Germany's Infamy

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LVII, Issue 107, 29 September 1914, Page 6

Germany's Infamy

MR. ASQUITII'S FAMOUS SPEECH. WE ARK FIGHTING TO MAINTAIN IV['ERIN ATIONAL OBLIGATION S. AN TO SAVH B.JI.VLL NATIONALITIES FROM BEINU CEUolii:.-. London, August 14. Sir Edward Grey's speech in i.:e lloure of Commons on Monday of hist week and tlie Prirno Minister's speech on Thursday in the same week, both explaining the outrageous proposals of Germany wihch led us into war, will doubtless form in days to come the introduction in all A>ooks which tell us how a new chapter of the worlds 'history was begun when Great Britain threw down the gage to Germany. Sir Henry Lucy thus comments on the two speakers, and what they said: SIR EDWARD SPEAKS.

"Mr Asquith's speech on moving a vote of credit for a hundred millions sterling was the second of two line orations added this week to the illumination of Parliamentary record," lie writes in the Observer. "Whilst each was lofty in conception, eloquent in phrasing, they differed in accordance with the cnaracteristics of the two speakers. With few exceptions, notably when he touched on the baseness of Germany's suggestion that England should prove false to her treaty engagement with Belgium, Sir Edward Grey did not stray from iiis accustomed impassivity. "Recognising the fact that he was making what would rank as a historic contribution to the ethics of international policy, his speech in spirit and in form tended rather in the direction of a State Paper than of a Parliamentary harangue. But its 'ucidity, its irresistible logic, and its high moral plane from which it was launched enthralled the attention of the House, as it captivated tlio minds and the heart of the civilised world on both sides of the Atlantic when opportunity was provided for studying the text in the newspaper reports. THE PREMIER SPEAKS. ~* "The Prime MjiiiMer, equally levelheaded with Uli e>,lh:„,:e at I::.' K:,r.

oqti,.it.- !i « „:,1., ;,-:.at:oa of t'.e perhe;,- ~f j'l.riiiijH Ue

irsi iuviiaili.a H Mry JVlpium. 'The ii-'.-jhns are he -aid.'They are Josir ; Uleir live.,. V. j>»t vould have l.een the ji. -itof Great Britain today li: the face of Ih-iL sp.i euic'e if w< 1.e.! a. >; i.'.-d u, t:ii.4 iu.'ii;iu.:s proposal':'

"The elicet of this -urnal:i;* ; h wi!-i '••HI w en, later, tie Voi" or ('relit i u :n',jitc ( f:\mi the t'l.iir l i- .i d v. :.l'(.:!t o i er comiie oi ir - ihin - ■ "m vi 1 eh: i ring.'' a ids Sir li i.'". "j to increa-e th ■ Ai-.;- »•," h-'f :i'irU ">• n men, wi le'i in other 11' : ; -. '... mI I through s-ucu'Ssive v 'hi 'v.- i ■* -i fought, toi>l'ii and nail !.. :• I' ; •- termiiud continguit, was agreed to without a voice being raised in protest. Time was, not further back then thirtvsix years, when a ino;!e«t demand made by Disraeli for a Vote of Credit of sit millions asked for the host'de intention towards our present ally Russia was fiercely fought," A GREAT SPEECH. "Not for a century has a Prime Minister stood forward to deliver the mind of this country to a great Continental Power ill terms such as those which Mr Asquitli addressed to Germany," says the Daily Mail.

"lie flung aside the guarded and smooth-sounding phrases of diplomacy and spoke out with the words of a plain, biunt man when characterising the terms on which Germany sought to deduce us from our plighted word to Belgium. 'An infamous proposa l ,' he thnahercd, with blazing list ami tho crash of his fist up the bras '-bound box, and «, tempest of cheering supperled hini. "The speech was a i:i:i-lerfii!. foi'"nsic presentation of the ca-e for Great Britain's intervention deliver d with all that force of personality which go-s lo make a great oration. It is given to few men to hear a like speech. READ, JIAUK AND LEARN. "Gradually, but with irresistible force, tho Prime Minister showed by the logic and sequence of facts how our utmost efforts for peace had been neutralised ill Berlin. The diplomatic correspondence published to-day was his text. Let evoryjody 'read, mark and learn' that, correspondence. Tito 'crucial and almost the governing concern' in tho negotiations was the position of Holland and Belgium, and he bade the House take good note of the distinction between Germany's attitude towe.rds Holland and her promise towards Belgium. After the war Belgium's 'integrity' wou'd be respected. 'there is no word of her neutrality at all,' he flamed, waving aloft the White Paper in his scorn. We were invited to negotiate behind the back of France and Belgium and to barter away our pledges.

"And in return for what? 'A promise —nothing more,' from a State whi-h was at that moment violating its own treaty obligations! A roar ot derisive cheering punctuated the Premier's scorn. 'We are fighting to vindicate the principle that small nationalities arc not to be crushed.'"

A VERIUTIM TJRI'OUT. We pave [ho main points of Sir ]'.!■ ward C,rev's speech last week. I)"re we Rive a verbatim report of the Prime Minister's speech: Mr Asijuilh said: fn asking the House to asTee lo the resolution to vote £lOll.OOO.OOrt I <lo not propose. beMuse i do not think it is necessarv, lo Inverse the ground a/iain which covered by Sir Edward (Irev two or three nights ?,fo. T do not think any of (lie statements lie made are capable of an answer: eertainlv they have not yet Itei-n answered. (Cheers.) ]fe st.ifed the grounds :>n which. with tiie utmost reluctance and with infinite regret, his Majesty's f.'ovprnmcnt have been comtiePed to put this country in a stal« of war Willi what for many years, and indeed for generations, has hem a friendly Power. SIR E. OBEY AS PBACKJfAKEIt. Hut, sir, the papers which have since been presented to Parliament will, I think, show now strenuous. Jiow imremiltin;', how persistent, even ivlien the last grimmer of hope seemed to iiav? faded away, were the eil'orU of Sir Edward C.rcy—(loud cheers)—to .--eciire for Europe an honorable and a lastj peace. As everyone knows in regard to the crisis which occurred last year in the east of Europe, it was, by the acknowledgment of all Europe, lately cutto the steps taken by Sir Kdivard'Crev tnat the area of conflict was limited anil that so far as the llreat rowers were concerned j.enco iv;„- maintained. [Cheers.)

If his efforts on this occasion unhappily have been less successful I am certain that the House and the country, and, I will add, posterity and history, will accord to him what after all is the best tribute, that can be paid to any statesman—that, never dciogating for an instant or by an inch from the honor and the interests of his own country, he has striven as few men have striven to obtain that which is the greatest interest of all countries, universal ponce. (Cheers.) GERMANY OFFERS A PRICE.

But, sir, these papers which are now in the hands of members show something more than that. They show what were the terms which were offered to lis—(cheers) —in exchange for our neutrality. (Renewed cheers.) I trust that not only members of the House but all my fellow subjects will read the communicationsread, learn and mark the communications which only a week ago passed between Berlin and his Majesty's Government.

Mr Asquith then read extracts from the V/hito Paper, beginning with the communications made by the German Chancellor to Sir Edward Gosehen on July '29 (Wednesday of last week), which contained, the Prime Minister said, the terms on which it was sought to ,buy our neutrality—a promise to leave France intact if beaten. (Cheers.) Sir Edward Gosehen, continued Mr Asquith, proceeded to put a very pertinent question to the German Chancellor: "I questioned his Excellency about the French Colonies? They mean every part ol the dominions and possessions of France outside the geographical area of Europe. The Chancellor said he was not able to give such an undertaking with regard to those colonies as he was prepared to give in regard to French territory. (Cheers.) TIIE SMALL STATES.

Let U3 come to what ill this matter in my opinion is the crucial and governing consideration —namely, the position of the small States. (Cheers.) As regards Horand, his Excellency said so long as Germany's adversaries respected the in'tegrity and. neutrality of the Netherlands Germany was ready to 'give llus Jlajisty'a Government an assurance that she would do likewise.

Then I come to Belgium. It depended upon the action of France what operations Germany would be forced to entef upon in Belgium, but when the war was over Belgium's integrity would be respected if sho had not sided against Germany. Let the House observe tile distinction between the two cases. An assurance is given as regards the independence and neutrality of Holland, but as regards Belgium there is no mention of neutrality at all, but an assurance that when the war is over lier integrity will be respected if she had ,not sided against Germany. (Loiul cheers.) BEHIND FRANCE'S BACK. What does this al! amount to! I ask the House not with the object of inllaming passions, not with the object of exciting feeling against Germany, but simply to make clear the position ol the British Government. What did the proposal amount to? In the first place it meant that behind the back of France who was not to be made a party to these communications at all, we should have given, if we had assented to these proposals, a free licence to Germany to annex in the event of a successful war the whole of the extra-European dominions in the possession of France. PRICE OF OCR DISHONOR. AVliat did it mean as regards Belgium? To Belgium, when she addressed, as she did in the last three days, the moving appeal to us to fulfil our solemn guarantee of her neutrality, what was our position? What reply could we have given to that appeal if we were obliged to say that without her knowledge we had bartered away to the Powers which threatened her an obligation lo keep our [■• lighted word.

The House and the country have rend in tlie course of tile la;-t few hours the pathetic words of the Belgian King to his people. (Clnjcrs.) I do not think any man can have read that appeal with an unmoved heart. The lMgiam are lighting-losing their lives. (Cheers.) V\ li at would have been the position of Great Britain to-day in the face of that 'spectacle if we. had assented lo this infamous proposal? What were we to get in return for this betrayal of our friends and this dishonoring of our obligations? We were to get promises, nothing more, promises unlade by a Power which, I am sorry lo say, was at that very moment announcing its intention to violate its own treaty and was asking in to do the same. (Loud cheers.) If wc had done that this country would havs been for ever dishonored.

WAR FORCED ON US. I am entitled 1o say on belialf of this country—l speak not for a party but tor the country as a whole —(cheeii,) —that we made every eltort any Government could possibly make an I that this war has been forced upon in. (Cheers.) \\ hat is it that we. are fighting for? .No one knows better than th* Government the terrible, the incalculable sull'ering, economic, social, personal, political, which war between the Great Powers of the, world, must entail

There is not a man among us sitting on this bench in these trying daysmore trying perhaps than any body of statesmen for a hundred years has had to pass through—(cheers)— who has not during the whole of this lime had clearly before his vision tile suH'cring, the almost brutal sufi'ering, which war must bring not only on us who are living in tilis country and in tlie other countries of Europe, but to posterity and the whole prospect of European civilisation. Every step we took we took with the vision before our eyes and with a sense of responsibility which it is impossible to describe in words. (Hear, hear.)

AVI lAT WE FIGIIT FOR. li, ill spite of nil our efTorU for peace, and with that full and overpowering oiiiHciousnoKj) of the resn'ts, if the issue were derided in favor of war, wo have thought it, nevertheless, to lie the dutv, as wed as the interest. of this country lu ,U'o to war, thy House may be wo!I assured if; is ljec-au.se we believe we were unsheathing our sword in a just cause. (Loud clivers.) If I ajn askej what we are fighting for I ean reply in two sentences. In the first place, to fyllil » soh.mit intwnaliom-il obligation—(cheers) —an obligation whicli if jt had bven entered into ibetween private persons in the ordinary concerns of life would have been regarded as an obligation not only of law but of honor, nil J which ill) eelf-ivsppctin;' man could possibly have repudiated. (Cheers.) J sav, secondly, that v.'o are fUJvfcinjj to vindicate the principle in these Jays when material ioree sometimes seems to bo the ilominant influence and factor in the development of mankind, that small nationalities are not to be crushed—(loud j cheers)—ill defiance of international fjooii faith at tin; arbitrary will ol a strong aud overmastering Power, (Cheers,)

j A CLEAR CONSCIENCE. J I do not think any nation ever in- I tered into a great conflict—and thin is ! one of the greatest that history v.i i ! ever know—with a ch aror eonwieua- ; and a stronger conviction that it is fi./litj ing hot for aggression, not for the main- | tenance of its own selfish interests, but in defence of principles the maintenance I of which is virtal to the civliisai : ori :if I the world. (Loud cheers.) If with full j conviction not only of the wisdom arid Justice but of the obligation which upon us to challenge tills great issue, if Iwe are entered into the struggle, it, j now make sure that all the resources—(loud' cheers) —not on!'.' of he. Uri-i'd I Kingdom but of the vast Empire of I which it is the centre shall be thrown j into the scale. (Cheers.) j It is that that object may be adequately secured that I am now about to ask this Committee to give the Government a vote of credit for a hundred millions sterling. (Cheers.) 1 LORD KITCHENER'S POST. ! Mr Asquith then announced the appointment of Lord Kitchener as Secretary for War, and said:— I am glad to say that the very dis- • tinguisbed soldier and administrator, Lord Kitchener —(cheers) —with the public spirit and patriotism which everyone would expect from him, at mv request has stepped into the breach. Lord Kitchener, as everybody knows, is not a politician. 3lis assoi iation with the Government, as a member of the Cabinet I for this purpose, must not be taken as | in any way identifying him with any set |of political opinions. (Hear, hear.) i He has, in a great puMie emergene, ivj sponded to a great public'cal", and lam | certain he will ha.ve wi 'h Ivan, in the e ' ch-u-ge of one of the mr-t arduous tasks which have ever fallen to a Minister. I' the complete confidence of men of al! I parties. (Cheers.) | 500,000 MORE SOLDIERS. I I am asking on his behalf, for the | Army, power to increase, the number of i men of all ranks, in addition to the number already voted, by no less than half a iiii iion. (Loud cheers.) lam certain | the Louse, will not reH.;.e us that. We j are encouraged to ask for it not only by , our own nen.ii of the i-ravih and tin; j necessities of the case, imt by the know- > ledge that India is pn-p.tred to send us certainty two divisions--(cheers)—and j that every one of our self-governing Doj million-—(cheers)— spontaneously and i unasked, lia3 already tendered to the ] utn.o-\t limit of their possibilities, both I in men and in money, every help that they can afford to the Empire—(cheers) —in a moment of supreme trial. The Mother Country must set the example—j (cheers) —while ,-he responds with gratitude and with affection to these filial overtures from the outlying members of our family.

A GRAVE SITUATION. This is not an occasion for controversial discussion. In what I have said I believe I have not gone beyond the strict requirements of the truth. It is not my purpose, it is not the purpose of anv patriotic man, lo inflame feeling, to excite international animosities. The situation % far too grave for thab. We have got a great duty to perform. We have got a great trust to fulfil, and I am confident that Parliament and the country will enable n.s to do it. (Loud cheers.)