THE EMPIRE'S FUTURE

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LV, Issue 184, 21 December 1912, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE EMPIRE'S FUTURE

'•BLACK, OMINOUS CLOUDS." "The Struggle for Bread," a recent London book, has the following: — It cannot be denied that the skies of the British Empire are overcast with biaek, ominous clouds which" bode ill for the future welfare of our race. In tlie Ear East the menace of the •Japanese navy and from revivified China cannot be ignored; from the West comes a more and more strenuous competition from the United States of America; in Europe we have an economic situation the outset of which must be revolution or Armageddon. Of all illusions io is the most gross and dangerous for us to delude ourselves into "the belief that there is peace where there is no peace; the plain fact is that we are in the grip of economic forces which it passes the wit of man to guide, and whither we are tending no man can foresee.

One feels, however, that the upshot of it all will be war; the capitalist nations of the world are fighting desperately for bread, and there is no international policeman to hold this trade rivalry in check. 'We are sailing full steam ahead to one of the most tremendous con diets in history, and if we.are to survive in this struggle it behoves us to study well the chinks in our armor and gird up our loins for the frav.

Alike from external and internal causes the British Empire is menaced by dangers which threatens its very existence, alike in military power anil industrial effort a more strenuous competition is threatening our supremacy; great efforts and great sacrifices will' have to be made if we are to maintain our position as mistress of the seas, and these will ultimately culminate, in an armed conflict. It is useless to burk the issue; it is our whole system of savage, cutthroat competition that is in fault, and to abolish war you must abolish competition. No amount of tinkering with social reform or tariff reform either will reduce the cost of living whilst our export trade, upon which is dependent outwhole national life, is pressed by a remorseless competition. One feels, then, that it behoves us to set seriously to the task of developing alike our industrial efficiency and our military power. We triumphed over our rivals in days gone by by but a superiority in allround qualities, and we shall retain our supremacy only so long as we retain such superiority in all-round qualities. Military efficiency is but a symptom of national efficiency; it is a trite saying, but nevertheless true, that a nation gets the army or government it deserves; the shortcomings of our army in South Africa but reflected and were'the logical sequence of the shortcomings of our Government and of the British nation. To create a genuinely efficient army or navy, therefore, we 'must first have a genuinely efficient nation, and we must set as the basis of our national policy, net an undue development of militarism but an even development of both these qualities, for both are equally essential to success amongst nations. The loss or weakening of our industrial efficiency would ultimately be no less a disaster to these isles than the decline of our military power, and we must recognis3 the basal truth that, whilst a military triumph can materially help forward the industries of a young, vigorous, energetic Power, no momentary spectacular I triumph by arms can permanent}' rescue a people whose industrial efficiency is declining from the path of decadence. 1 Again, not only is the power to main tain armaments dependent upon successful industry, but armaments in themselves do not give military power. It is men, not ships, who win battles, and men but reflect the moral tone of their surroundings. The basis of our national policy, therefore, should be the* all-round development of our national efficiency; we must grapple with the housing problem, we must grapple with the education problem, we must grapple with the problem of national physique, and in solving these* problems we shall have incidentally made a very big stride towards military efficiency. As regards armaments, our policy should be the minimum expenditure compatible with national safety, always bearing in mind that this minimum should always leave a substantial margin on the safe side. It is not well to spoil a ship for a ha'porth of tar. For the rest we must strive to develop the moral side of the national life equally with the physical; we must strive to inculcate a sane, healthy patriotism, an intelligent interest in public affairs; comprehension of the broad principles of national defence among our people as a whole, for only by the inculcation of such a spirit of broad-minded, healthy patriotism, free from jingoistic rant or class hatred, will it be possible for the British Empire to weather the grave dangers which menace its existence. Jt is idle to prate of "peace, perfect peace," the economics of the case spell war, and war at no distant date. And in this way we may be in the right, and we may be in the wrong; but if we are victorious it will not be because we are in the wrong, but because we are weak. And in reality abstract right and abstract wrong will have nothing to do with the case, for it will be economic forces that will be the basal cause for the struggle. Then in God's name let us be strong; let us be strong in all that truly makes for strength; strong in healthy patriotism; strong in a united people; strom* in a calm, reasoned preparation for the inevitable conflict. We must be strong.