A EUROPEAN CRISIS

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LV, Issue 77, 17 August 1912, Page 2 (Supplement)

A EUROPEAN CRISIS

POSSIBILITIES 01" Till: FI'TIMIK. There is no doubt flint a recent article on foreign affairs in. the London Daily Telegraph created extraordinary interest, and in view of the existing situation and coming events its main points are worthy of recapitulation. "There has .been a definite turn for the worse in the European situation within the last two days, and there is, therefore, all the greater need that the elements of the various issues and differences between the great t'owers of Europe should be presented in as simple a form as possible. Otherwise it is improbable that the English reader will be a'ble properly to follow the course of an international development which, for complication and delicacy, ka* not been equalled within the recollection of any but the oldest statesmen now living ITALY CAUSED THE DANGER. '•The danger—which should have been foreseen 'by Italy from the outset—is 'based upon the facts that during a European war, first, there is always the opportunity given to each Power of advancing a step towards some unavowed ambition; and. secondly, that unless the claim is put forward, or the intention made manifest before the inevitable Congress meets, and the Concert of Europe draws up the terms of peace, another generation may have to elapse before the end is achievable. The root of the present trouble is the fact that Russia is at present engaged upon two distinct and irreconcilable policies. Still smarting from her Austrian defeat, she saw in the war a chance of drawing Italy away from the Triple Alliance.

WHAT RUSSIA WANTS. "She also saw an opportunity of clearing the Dardanelles for her warships', and of confirming to her use certain necessary .spheres of influence in the north of Asia Minor. Now, she could only hope to incur the hostility of Germany by the former policy. She could only achieve the latter by concerted action with her western, .neighbor. "With singular want of foresight, she attempted to do tooth at once, to the bewilderment of the other Powers and at a serious risk of causing a general European conflagration. France, in particular, was completely mystified, and a sudden access of suspicion colored the relations between the two countries. It is, indeed, practically certain that the recent resentment of Russia against the alleged action of the French Ambassador in St. Petersburg is due to the halting way in which France co-operated with Russia when the latter wished to intervene on Ibehalf of Italy. One can understand the difficulty in which French diplomacy found itself.

WHAT GERMANY IS AFTER. "Germany has almost equally farreaching aims to secure. The time has come, she thinks, when her position and rights in Asia Minor, Syria and Mesopotamia must be regularised. Germany is determined to carry through her programme with or without the consent of Turkey. In this matter Germany and Russia have pursued a similar course in Constantinople, and the abandonment of the show of friendship which had been adopted by both Powers towards Young Turkey has been signalised by the withdrawal of both Ambassadors. Russia and Germany both though that it would be advisable to act in concert with England, and we shall soon know the exact form of 'commercial partition' of Turkey in which we shall be invited to participate.

WILL ENGLAND HAVE TERSffi? "No doubt we shall be offered fair terms. But if we refuse them we may be sure that the partition will go forward all the same. After all, why should either Power have any regard for the singularly difficult position in. which we are now placed by the fact that we are ourselves the greatest Mohammedan Power in the world. That concerns us alone. We shall have been invited to join in the partition merely as an opponent whose antagonism would have been inconvenient, and if we refuse Germany and Russia will proceed to develop their commercial sphere independently of us."