THE IRISH QUESTION.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LIV, Issue 243, 13 April 1912, Page 5

THE IRISH QUESTION.

THE HOME RULE BILL. SPEECH BY ME. ASQUITH. THE PROW3IONS EXPLAINED. DEBATE IN THE HOUSE. By Cable—Press Association—Copyright Received 12, 10.35 p.m. London, April 12. The House of Commons was crowded, and a loud shout welcomed the entrance of Mr. Asquith, while Mr. Redmond, who entered a few minutes later, was greeted with triumphant National cheers. Mr. Bonar Law and Mr. Balfour were also cheered, but a special ovation was reserved for Mr. Carson. As the Prime Minister rose there was tense silence. Mr. Asquith paid a tribute to Mr. Gladstone's 1 Si>3 speech, which was a perfect exposition of the historic case between Great Britain and Ireland. He would, he said, take up the case where Mr. Gladstone finished. He asked how far the case for and against Home Rule had been affected by subsequent events. Eight general elections had occurred since 1894. Party fortunes had iebbed and flowed, Governments had come and gone; yet through the shifting issues of changing policies, with constant insistence and persistence, the Irish demands remained. He glanced at Ireland's preponderant vote for Home Rule. Look at 'Ulster (Unionist cheers), where seventeen' Unionists and sixteen Hornerulers had been returned. (Ministerial cheers.) The hostility to Home Rule by a majority in the North-Eastern Counties was a factor not to be ignored in the present Bill, but he was unable to admit the minority's right to veto the verdict of the majority of their countrymen. Four important matters were reserved for the Imperial Parliament—the Land Purchase Act (because the security of a system resting on Imperial credit must in nowise be affected by automatic transfer), constabulary, and the transfer of the Post Office Savings Bank. In a decade, if the Irish Parliament wished, they would deal similarly \ with old age pensions and insurance. The Irish Parliament would not be allowed to repeal or alter any provision! of the Home Rule Act, nor interfere with the right of appeal to the Privy Council concerning the validity of the laws passed by the Irish Parliament. After mentioning religious safeguards, he ixpalined that Bills passed by Ireland would be subject to the Lord Lieutenant's veto. Regarding the Senate, it was desirable to have representatives -of the minority, who possibly would be unrepresented if the Senate were elected. The Imperial executive would be nominated for eight years. Senators would retire in rotation, and their places would be filled by the Irish Executive. (Unionists' laughter.) Regarding the House of Commons, each constituency of 27,000 voters would elect a member. This would give Ulster fifty-nine -members; Leinster forty-nine, Munster forty-seven, and Connaught twentyfive, and the Universities two. In the event of a disagreement, the two Houses would sit together. < Received 12, 9.45 p.m. London, April 11. 'Mr. Asquith stated that the improved conditions in social order have removed one argument formerly used against Home Rule. Other factors were the Local Government, Land Purchase, Laborers' University, Old Age Pensions, and National Insurance Acts. These were a tary and inadequate set-off against the evils which Irishmen believed were due to overtaxation and depopulation. He contended that the granting of an Imperial credit in working the land purchase and old age pensions systems made separation more unthinkable to Ireland. Dealing with the question from the standpoint of the United Kingdom and the Empire, he emphasised the imperative need of emancipating the Imperial Parliament from local burdens. They would never get local concerns treated timeously or sympathetically until they had the wisdom and courage to transfer them to the representatives of the people affected. He emphasised the congestion of business in the House of Commons. The existing system was centralised in impotence. He asked how it was possible to discharge their duty to the Empire? He referred to the grant of autonomy to Australasia and South Africa and the self-government of the Transvaal, which were strictly analagous to Home Rule for Ireland. He would be a bold man who would assert that Ulster presented more difficulties than the Boers, with whom the Britons were living side by side in territory just recovering from an internecine war. In the case of Australia and South Africa the object was to provide a central legislative and administrative authority to deal with matters of common interest to separate and adjacent States, while maintaining the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. "We start," he said, "with a congested central body which, if it intended to carry out efficiently the common interests of the whole, must delegate local interests to local management." Finally, the great dominions, although starting at opposite poles, were all animated by the same spirit and attaining the same goal. He was sure they all had hearty sympathy with the spirit and purpose of Home Rule. The first clause of the Bill stipulated the unchallenged supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Irish Parliament would consist of the King and two Houses, which were, according to the Bill, only empowered to make laws exclusively relating to Ireland. The Bill excludes from the Irish Parliament questions dealing with the Crown, peace and war, control of the navy and army, treaties, dignities, treason and a number of other matters.

The executive would be the same as in the 1893 Bill. Regarding financial relations, the Government had not adopted the Primrose Commission scheme, but had benefited by its suggestions. Its reports would be presented to Parliament. The Estimates for the coming year showed the true Irish revenue to be about £10,840,000. The expenditure on Irish services would be about £1.235,000. The Irish Parliament would pay the cost of all except the reserved services. The annual grant of £500,000 would be gradually reduced to £200,000. The Imperial Parliament would continue to tax the whole kingdom, and the Irish Parliament would be empowered to reduce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax, provided the .sum Imperially transferred to. Ireland is correspondingly reduced. The Irish Parliament wouid be empowered to impose taxes on their own account, but would not be empowered to impose Customs taxes, except upon anticles dutiable in the United Kingdom. It would not be empowered to augment any Imperial duty or Customs or the Imperial income tax, but was free in connection with stamp duties, although some of these would remain uniform throughout the Kingdom. The joint Exchequer Board would consist of two on each side, with a chairman nominated by.the Crown to adjust financial relations. Irish representation at Westminster would be based upon one member for every 100,000 voters. This would involve merging the majority of existing boroughs into counties. Hence the Universities would oease to be represented. (Ministerial cheer%) There were be-

tween twenty and thirty self-governing legislatures now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one more break up the jilmpire? (Cheers.) The demand now emanated no't from outlying quarters, but from a country near their own shores, bound by ties of kindred, associated in every form of social and industrial movement, who had borne and were bearing a noble share in the upbuilding and holding together of the greatest empire. In closing, Mr. Asquith quoted Mr, Bonar Law's statement in Belfast that the Government had sold the Constitution. (Un'"list cheers and angry shouts from Ministerialists and Nationalists.) The Prime Minister challenged Mr. Bonar Law to say what had the Government sold themselves for? Mr. Bonar Law: Votes. The iPrime Minister asked was Mr. Bonar Law prepared to say that the Government had sold its convictions. 'Mr. Bonar Law: The Government haven't any. DEBATE IN THE HOUSE. Mr. Carson said that the Government's scheme was fantastic, unworkable and ridiculous. To talk about devolution all round was hypocrisy. The Bill was an irresistible weapon in the hands of the Nationalists. If they demanded separation it would deprive Ulster of the protection of the executive which was responsible to the British Parliament. The Government had introduced the Bill when the Constitution was in suspense, while the lying preamble to the Parliament Act was still in abeyance, and the whole affair was a disreputable bargain between the Government and the Nationalists. There was not one guarantee worth the paper whereon it was written. Ulster would oppose the Bill at every stage.

THE NATIONALIST LEADER. WHERE PARNELL STOOD. Mr. Redmond said that the principles devolving the management of local affairs upon local assemblies was the foundation of the. Empire to-day. No community of white men ever asked for a right that had been refused. The Nationalists did not want separation. They stood where Parnell stood, willing to accept a subordinate Parliament as a final settlement. Financially, the Bill was far better than that of 1886-1893. He would without hesitation recommend it to the National Convention. In time it would turn Ireland into a happy and prosperous country. The Irish were never intolerant in religious matters, and were willing for any safeguards to be inserted to meet Ulster's views. He quoted Mr. Gavin-Duffy's pamphlet upon Australia's experience in support of his view for ,a nominated Senate as far safer than a Senate elected upon a narrow franchise. Mr. Redmond hinted that the Nationalists desired land purchase to be controlled by the . Irish legislature. He concluded "with an eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and Parnell as dominating a historic scene. Incidentally, Mr. Rrdmond referred to Mr. Carson's argument: If Ireland has a right to Home Rule, Ulster has an equal right. He asked if Mr. Carson proposed this. Mr. Carson: Will you accept it ? Mr. Redmond: I would like the proposal made ifirst. A NOMINATIVE SENATE. MR. McDONALD'S VIEWS. Mr. Mac Donald said that a nominated Senate would be more democratic than an elected one. Far and near a single Chamber would be welcomed. He hinted that the Bill had been drafted with a view to its extension to England, Scotland and Wales.

THE PRIMROSE COMMISSION. Mr. O'Brien, reserving judgment on details generally, approved of the Bill, and if it was accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of dreams which the formerly cherished. He regretted that the Cabinet had not accepted the recommendation of their own expert committee, which favored giving Ireland fiscal independence. Apparently Ireland was to have an excise which exhausted her source of revenue and the power to devise new taxes, but Customs were to be settled by the Imperial Parliament. He was afraid a dual control of the Irish purse would not turn out happily He congratulated the Government upon its determination to complete land purchase upon Imperial credit. If the Irish people would accept the Bill he would give it his loyal support regardless of narrow sectional interests. Mr Balfour moved the adjournment of the House.