GERMANY AND MOROCCO.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LIV, Issue 30, 29 July 1911, Page 9 (Supplement)

GERMANY AND MOROCCO.

THE POINTS IN DISPLTE. Much has hecn heard lately of Germany's attitude; in connection with Moroccan affairs. The following are the points in dispute: The French Congo extends along the Atlantic Coast of Africa between the German Knmenm colony and the territories of the Congo State. French acquisition began on the Gabnn river in IS4I. Since then the territories have, been increased by exploration and military occupation, and their limits have been defined in a series of international conventions. The area is about lilj'.),()IKI square miles, containing a population of from five to fifteen millions of negro and other races. In 1884 the "International Association of the Congo," a concern mainly Belgian in nationality, and with the late King Leopold at its head, gained recognition as the Congo Free State, and began its career of exploitation. The president of the association in April 23 'of that year addressed to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs a Note in which it undertook to give France the right of preference if, through unforeseen circumstances, it were compelled to sell its possessions. This right of pre-emption was declared in 1887 to be without prejudice to the rights of Belgium to take over the possessions of the Congo Free State. On the taking over of the Congo by Belgium in 1008 France retained her old right of pre-emption by an explicit understand-, ing. In a recent article a Daily Mail writer says of the German Emperor and tierman policy:— In ten years King Edward won universal recognition as a great King: but twenty-two years have not sufficed to gain for William of Hohenzollcrn the rank of a great Emperor, though the sum of his varied talents approximates to genius and his brilliance glitters along the line that divides greatness from eccentricity. After a period of partial eclipse, he once more stands forth—not, indeed, as a leader of Europe, nor even as undisputed interpreter of German aspirations, but yet as a monarch maturer, stronger, and holding firmer, albeit more chastened, sway over the hearts both of the Germans of his empire and of the Germans beyond' its pale. Whither is he leading his people? Towards peace or towards war? Peace has been preserved during his reign, not alone through his merit, nor because his acts and gestures have always tended to promote harmony among nations, but because, despite threatening words and deeds, he has invariably shrunk from putting to a practical test the "sharp, sword and dry powder" principles so often enunciated in his speeches.

Ts lie, therefore, entitled to some degree of international confidence? Problems require study, not confidence; and the German Emperor is not less a living problem to-day than at any moment of his reign of startled peace. His most recent manifestations increase knowledge of his personality without furnishing a snflieient clue to his ulterior designs. The Konigsberg speech, with its claim, scarcely attenuated by subsequent explanation, that its author is an "instrument of the Lord," and therefore not necessarily accountable to human beings; the Vienna speech, claiming Austrian gratitude for his appearance as an ally "in shining armor'' at the hour of need: and his German reply to the t''re]ich toast of the Belgian King at ttnissels reveal the Orman Emperor by turned as a crowned mystic, a shrewd statesman, and a tactician often calculatingly oblivious of tact.

TUP; NEW FORCE IX GERMANY. I The remarkable growth of the Socialist movement in Germany is expected by many observers to result ultimately | n many changes in German policy. 'The Socialist Democrats poll more 'heavily at i the elections for the German Reichstag ' than do the adherents of any other party. But although Socialist Democrat candidates at the last elections received over :i ~■)()<),000 votes the party was only the third strongest in Parliament with 42 members. This number has since been increased to 52 by successes at bvelections. The reason for the anomaly lictwcen voting strength and representation is that the Reichstag is still elected on the plan of the constituencies laid out in 1871, when Germany was an agricultural State, and when the bulk of the voting population lived on the land. Population is now centred in the cities, and, if constituencies were mapped out ' in accordance with modern conditions, Social Democrats might easily secure an absolute voting majority in the National Legislature. Professor Hans Dclbrueek, a Monarchist \y;riter with Conservative leaning.*, predicts that Social Democracy will enter the Reichstag after the elections of 1012 with not 100, or'.oven 120, of the total of 307 seats. That would make it the strongest political party in Parliament, Under the German' Constitution such a victory would not, of course, result in the Social Democrats securing the control of the Administration, ntt Ministers are responsible to the Kaiser alone and not to Parliament. The Kaiser has done more than bis share in aggravating the national discontent and sharpening the long-brewing conflict between masses and classes. His celebrated Daily Telegraph interview, in November, 100S, and the constitutional crisis which it precipitated, has left an indelible impression, and his more recent ''divine right" pronounciamento has poured fresh fuel on the Are of national discontent. The Socialist successes at tho lOOfl-1010 by-elections are interpreted by all observers as unmistakably ominous handwriting on the political wall. At the present moment, wrote Dr. Wile, the Dailv Mail's Berlin correspondent, recently, the Imperial Chancellor, Dr. von Befhmann TTollwcg, is making a frantic effort to assemble all the non-Socialist parties under one h.imier. His Government intends to employ the coming months in an earnest endeavor to devise an issue noon which Conservatives, Catholics, Liberals, and Radicals may make common front against the "Red" enemy. Upon the .success of bis tactics issues vital to the very existence of the German State depend. Dr. von Rethmnnn TTollweg will rennive to prove himself a Moltke of politics, for bis countrymen are seething with dissitisfaetion. ami have lost faith in n regime which evinces no willingness to a (lord modern Germany enlightened, popular government.