The Daily News. MONDAY, JANUARY 23. A LITTLE ARGUMENT.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LIII, Issue 220, 23 January 1911, Page 4

The Daily News. MONDAY, JANUARY 23. A LITTLE ARGUMENT.

A southern M.P. lately expressed the general feeling of quite a number of people in the following words:—"While we remain a portion of the British Empire, we are certain of a free market in Britain for our products in the future." Mr. Malcolm showed that although John Bull might erect a tariff wall against the foreigner, he would not take so mean a course against his oversea kin. Which is a very comforting conclusion for us, especially as we send about four-fifths of all our products to Mr. Bull. We do not believe, because Mr. Malcolm Bays so, that John Bull contemplates the imposition of duty on foreign goods, or that the oversea dominions can oust the foreigner in the British market, unless he undersells him. Every colonial wants John Bull to buy colonial produce and to impose no tariff, but governing colonials are not in the least inclined to reciprocate. A tariff wall reared against our exports to Britain would he received in New Zealand with execration, and the destruction of tho New Zealand tariff wall against British goods would set politicians on fire. In short, our average advice to the biggest trader in the world is, "Do as I tell you, and not as I do." Mr. Malcolm uttered the ancient truth that our whole prosperity depended on our products reaching Home. He did not, however, say that colonial comfort depends tremendously on the goods we import, although wc make it as difficult as possible to obtain the things we don't produce ourselves by taxing them heavily. But John Bull must not retaliate. It would he unkind. Our unkindness to J.B. doesn't matter, and our unkindness to the body of colonial users also doesn't matter. We can show a fat Customs return, so why worry? Reiterating the truth that New Zealand exports are no good to New Zealand if they are seized by a foreign Power before they get to London, the remarks of an alleged leader of thought are interesting. He showed the wickedness of the proposition that New Zealand youths should be taught "to wave a sword and use a gun." To follow the argument to its just conclusion, it U wicked for Britain to patrol the seas with Fighting ironmongery, because it doesn't matter to anybody whether colonial products get to London to be paid far or to Berlin, Tokio, or anywhere else, as loot. The ploughshare and pruning hook argirment is a remarkably fine one. during a peace that resembles a smouldering volcano, but it would be swept out of court at the first boom of a foreign gun. And so the Empire always assumes that the foreign gun never ceases booming, and makes adequate preparation for the continued feeding of peacemongcr and warrior alike. Whether the Empire will be led by a resolution passed by Balclutha—the population of which is well under 1500 people—cannot be foreseen, but the citizens who listened to Mt. Malcolm agreed that the time

was ripe for the federation of the British Empire under an Imperial Parliament. The functions of such, a Parliament were not explained at the Balclutha meeting, but it was there arranged on behalf of the Empire that colonial Parliaments should still exist and luive the powers of self-government now possessed by them. An Imperial Parliament without power of legislation would be as useful as food without a mouth to put it in. An Imperial Parliament representative of all the King's dominions, and sitting presumably in London, if it had legislative capacity, could presumably override the legislation of any of the multitudinous Parliaments which now so complicate modern British life. If Balclutha had told us what the functions of a brand new Parliament would be it would have been easier to admire the proposition. If New Zealand Parliamentarians of Empire in London helped to arrange Canadian matters, and Canadians solved Australian problems, and Australians helped to vote existing New Zealand law off the slate, there would be some small complications unsolvable by the resolution of any body of detached citizens. If "New Zealand would still keep its own Parliament, with its present legislative and administrative powers" (as per Mr. Malcolm), it would seem that representation in a Parliament of Empire would be a waste of time and money. Mr. Malcolm, in his address, said that there might be some objection to a Parliament of Empire, because we would, under such a system, be compelled to assist the Empire in case of war. The assumption is that without an extra Parliament New Zealand would not help the Empire in case of war, which is very naughty of New Zealand (or Balclutha). But the speaker also showed that under the Parliament of Empire system we should have a say as to whether there was to bo war or peace! Which means that the Imperial Parliament as at present constituted would not be the deciding factor in a crisis; that the Imperial Parliament would be quite a secondary sort of machine:; and that if it ' contained any eminent leaders, it would be to the advantage of the Empire if they left Westminster to take a place in the Parliament of Empire. It seems reasonable to assume that under such conditions the necessity for a House of Commons would cease to exist. If a Parliament of Empire were to be sternly democratic it would necessarily be elective. If its members were merely detailed from the ranks of colonial ministries

—and presumbaly from British Ministers of tin' Crown—the Parliament, of Empire would be the biggest thing in sinecurism ever invented. But by far the most important question is, "Will the Parliament of Empire have any legislative

power?" If not, what's the good of it? If so, what's the good of any Parliament now existing? It is possible Mr. Malcolm would be quite unable to answer.