The Daily News. MONDAY, AUGUST 15. WOULD PREFERENCE PAY?

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LIII, Issue 108, 15 August 1910, Page 4

The Daily News. MONDAY, AUGUST 15. WOULD PREFERENCE PAY?

It is a colonial governor's business to be imperialistic in sentiment, although he cannot be constructively imperialistic, seeing that lie is a detached personage whose position renders it impossible for him to take a party attitude. Lord Islington, the new Governor, naturally enough uses the opportunities he possesses for telling New Zealanders of the glorious unity of the Empire. At Christj church the other day he. made the following excellent remarks:—

As time went on the question of Im- , perial necessity must become more and . more important, not only to the Mother, Country, but to the other component parts of the Empire as well. In the past there had been established upon sentiment a mutual relationship between those in the dominions and those in the Home Country. There were probably very few present who did not possess some relations in the Mother Country, and such relationship was a strong and binding sentiment—a basis of Imperial unity—and, in days to come, that unity might require a more practical form. It required to be carefully watched, both by the people at (Home and by the people in the dominions. 'He thought it part of his duty as" Governor to watch these developments, and to bring these bonds closer together would be not only his pleasure, but also his duty."

Imperial necessity and Imperial bond#

are more than words, and more than 'bone, blood and sinew. The relationship of the colonies with the Mother Country is as much as anything else a business relationship, and the federation of the

Empire is. not really complete unless

commercial reciprocity is Ihe keynote /of inter-Imperial transactions. Biitain is a free-trade country, and Lord. 'lslington is a. free-trader, [t i- ;u present impossible for Great Britain to regard either Australia or Ju,w ZoaLuid vfroni the point of view of trade relations) as of such importance, for instance, as Germany. Imperial free-trade to the disadvantage of Britain's mo?:!' precious customers and suppliers might be considered impolitic, and whatever may be said, sentiment and iblood relationship do no't

govern business. A British tariff wall against the great trading nations in favor of Imperial reciprocity would not suit Britain, although it would suit the colonies. Until the colonies are so developed that they can supply Britain with all she needs, it is unlikely that

Britain would tax outside nations to her own trade disadvantage. The fact that' Britain does not unite with her possessions by treating them preferentially is generally taken in the colonies to mean that Britain does not treat the colonies fairly, the simple truth being that Brittain must buy in the best and cheapest markets in order to keep up her gigantic trade. There is no sentiment about this, and there never, will be. Even the N<ew Zealander is not sentimental in regard to his ordinary every-day purchases. He buys American boots and German tools and Japanese furniture, Austrian chairs, a fofeign anythingi, provided "fche price is right." He thinks nothing , of Imperial sentiment or bonds of blood or relations in the Old 1 Country. It is just a mere question of "pocket." A man may be a preferentialist of the deepest dye in order to protect goods made in his own country, but if the same class of goods can be introduced more cheaply from the outside' he is very naturally not then concerned with his own belief in the value of preference. The question is not why should not Britain give her colonies preference, but what can the colonies do to show Britain •that they deserve preference? It is a , matter of competition. By the time I that we are strong enough t.* fi?ht GerI many or France, or any other great manufacturing country, commercially, we shall not need preference, for if we could supply goods of equal quality and at the same prices as foreign competitors, Britain would assuredly prefer Imperial articles. IPtreferential treatment of the colonies and the building of a tariff wall against foreigners is (Imperialistic in

sentiment, but bad in business—from the point of view of free-trade Britain. Britain cannot quarrel with huge interests for the sake of small ones, and the only

way the colonies can hope for a federation of Imperial commerce is to w.ork for it by increasing production, increasing quality, and cutting the price. And, besides, have we not got as large a market as we can supply? London's insatiable maw will swallow all the goods we can pour into it, whether Britain taxes foreign goods or admits them free. Almost one might imagine that we produced so much that withholding it from export might have a serious effect on British commerce. (Lord 1 Islington has been invited to use his influence by way of asking that Britain should give preferential trade treatment to her colonies. It is, of course, impossible that a Governor can have any influence on the settled policy of Britain, and it is certain 'that ihe is unlikely to even suggest the awful alteration which would be against the political convictions he dare not state in his present position. Britain will give preference to her colonies when preference pays. J